Archive for the ‘SABAH CURRENT’ Category

North Borneo (Sabah): An annotated timeline 1640s-present

Posted by AhlussuluK on March 6, 2013

 

North Borneo (Sabah): An annotated timeline 1640s-present

By Manuel L. Quezon III

 

Introduction

I am sharing a timeline I have compiled of key events and accompanying literature on the North Borneo (Sabah) issue. This timeline is being shared for academic and media research purposes. It is not being published as an official statement of policy in any shape or form, nor does this timeline purport to be representative of of the views of the Philippine government.

Introductory Material

A. Graphical Timeline (also unofficial)

Sabah: PH-MY Timeline

B. On the heirs to the Sultanate of Sulu (unofficial)

Controversies on Succession to Sultanate of Sulu 1936-present

Line of Succession of Sulu Sultanate in the Modern Era

A chart on the genealogy of the Modern–day Sultans of Sulu has been published in the Official Gazette.

 

An Annotated Timeline (Unofficial)

Note: maps used are for non-commercial purposes only.

Kingdoms, Sultanates, and Trade 1200-1450

Kingdoms, Sultanates, and Trade 1200-1450

 

1640s

Spain signed peace treaties with the strongest sultanates, Sulu and Maguindanao, recognizing their de facto independence.[1]

1704

Sultan of Sulu became sovereign ruler of most of North Borneo by virtue of a cession from the Sultan of Brunei whom he had helped in suppressing a rebellion.

There is no document stating the grant of North Borneo from Sultan of Brunei to Sultan of Sulu, but it is accepted by all sides.[2]

Autonomous States and Colonies 1792-1860

Autonomous States and Colonies 1792-1860

1800–1850

This area (territory ceded to Sulu by Brunei) had been effectively controlled by the Sultanate of Bulungan in Kalimantan, reducing the boundary of North Borneo territory of the Sultan of Sulu to a cape named Batu Tinagat and Tawau River. (United Nations Publications)

Other Maps-01

Map showing Tawau river and Kalimantan.

March 17, 1824

Treaty of London signed by the Netherlands and Great Britain

Allocates certain territories in the Malay archipelago to the United Kingdom and the Netherlands (Dutch East Indies).[3]

Detail of 1822 C.G. Reichard Map outlining Sultanate of Sulu in blue.

Detail of 1822 C.G. Reichard Map outlining Sultanate of Sulu in blue.

 

September 23, 1836

Treaty of Peace and Commerce between Spain and Sulu, signed in Sulu

Granting Spanish protection of sultanate, mutual defense, and safe passage for Spanish and Joloan ships between ports of Manila, Zamboanga, and Jolo.[4]

Ortiz: Spain did not claim sovereignty over Sulu, but merely offered “the protection of Her Government and the aid of fleets and soldiers for wars…”[5]

1845

Muda Hassim, Uncle of the Sultan of Sulu, publicly announced as successor to the Sultanate of Sulu with the title of Sultan Muda: he was also the leader of the “English party,”(today the term for Crown Prince is Raja Muda)[6]

The British Government appoints James Brooke as a confidential agent in Borneo[7]

The British Government extends help to Sultan Muda to deal with piracy and settle the Government of Borneo[8]

April 1846

Sir James Brooke receives intelligence that the Sultan of Sulu ordered the murder of Muda Hassim, and some thirteen Rajas and many of their followers; Muda Hassim kills himself because he found that resistance is useless. [9]

July 19, 1846

Admiral Thomas Cochrane, Commander-in-chief of East Indies and China Station of the Royal Navy, issued a Proclamation to cease hostilities (“piracy,” crackdown versus pro-British faction) if the Sultan of Sulu would govern “lawfully” and respect his engagements with the British Government

If the Sultan persisted, the Admiral proclaimed that the squadron would burn down the capital of the sultanate.[10]

May 7, 1847

James Brooke is instructed by the British Government to conclude a treaty with the Sultan of Brunei

British occupation of Labuan is confirmed and Sultan concedes that no territorial cession of any portion of his country should ever be made to any foreign power without the sanction of Great Britain[11]

Labuan

Labuan

 

May 29, 1849

Convention of Commerce between Britain and the Sultanate of Sulu

Sultan of Sulu will not cede any territory without the consent of the British. [12]

November 12, 1850

The Dutch signed a Politiek Contract with the Sultan of Bulungan. (United Nations Publications)

April 30, 1851

Treaty signed with Spain by the Sultan of Sulu, Mohammed Pulalun

The Sultanate of Sulu was incorporated into the Spanish Monarchy.[13]

1854-1858 German Map showing extent of Spanish dominion in the Philippines: see wavy line excluding portion of Palawan and Sulu

1854-1858 German Map showing extent of Spanish dominion in the Philippines: see wavy line excluding portion of Palawan and Sulu

1859 German Map showing Spheres of Influence: note how it excludes Sultanate of Sulu

1859 German Map showing Spheres of Influence: note how it excludes Sultanate of Sulu

 

January 17, 1867

Earl of Derby to Lord Odo Russel:

“that, whatever Treaty rights Spain may have had to the sovereignty of Sulu and its dependencies, those rights must be considered as having lapsed owing to the complete failure of Spain to attain a de facto control over the territory claimed.”

The High Colonial Age 1870-1914

The High Colonial Age 1870-1914

1872

Petermann map showing Borneo: Sarawak, Borneo Proper (Brunei), and “Territory of Sultan of Sooloo,” already excluding the portion of Sultan of Sulu’s North Borneo territory transferred to Sultan of Bulungan circa 1800.

Augustus Petermann Borneo Map, 1872

1874

These maps show the extent of the territory of the Sultan of Sooloo (Sulu)

Section of 1874 Colton's East Indies and Strait of Singapore Map

Section of 1874 Colton’s East Indies and Strait of Singapore Map

Section of Colnton's 1874 Map: Territory of "Sultan of Sooloo"

Section of Colnton’s 1874 Map: Territory of “Sultan of Sooloo”

 

February 2, 1877

Ordinance issued in the form of Statute (Decree) No. 31 on the power set who oversees the royal Bulungan Tidung Land, the island of Tarakan, Nunukan, Sebatik Island, and some small islands in the vicinity. In fact, the Decree in confirm again on 15 March 1884 by the Secretary of the Dutch empire in Bogor.

May 30, 1877

Protocol of Sulu signed between Spain, Germany, and Great Britain, providing free movement of ships engaged in commerce and direct trading in the Sulu Archipelago

British Ambassadors in Madrid and Berlin were instructed that the protocol implies recognition of Spanish claims over Sulu or its dependencies.

At this point the following western countries have possessions in Southeast Asia:

1. British = Singapore, Malaya, Brunei, Sarawak, and North Borneo

2. Germany = Papua New Guinea

3. Netherlands = Indonesia

4. Spain = Philippines, Guam, Marshall Islands, Caroline Islands

5. France = Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia (French IndoChina)[14]

December 1877

Expeditions of Alfred Dent to control north part of Borneo began

Alfred Dent, member of the commercial house of Dent Brothers and Co. of London[15]

January 22, 1878

Sir Alfred Dent obtains sovereign control over the northern part of Borneo for 5,300 ringgit ($5,000) from the Sultans of Brunei and Sulu. See contending translations of relevant portions of this document. See also the Spanish translation. See another English translation.

Concessions would later be confirmed by Her Majesty’s Royal Charter in November, 1881 granted to the British North Borneo Co.

The territory of the Sultan of Sulu over the island of Borneo “commencing from the Pandassan River on the north-west coast and extending along the whole east coast as far as the Sibuco River in the south and comprising amongst other the States of Paitan, Sugut, Bangaya, Labuk, Sandakan, Kina Batangan, Mumiang, and all the other territories and states to the southward thereof bordering on Darvel Bay and as far as the Sibuco river with all the islands within three marine leagues of the coast.”[16]

Sultan of Sulu Mohammed Jamalul Alam appoints Baron de Overbeck as Datu Bendajara and Raja of North Borneo.

(Baron de Overbeck, Austrian national heavily connected with the house of Dent and Co. at Hong Kong. Overbeck was sent to Borneo as a representative of Dent and Co. to enter negotiations with Sultans and Chiefs of Brunei and Sulu – Dec 1878 Statement and Application of Debt of Dent and Overbeck to the Marquis of Salisbury)[17]

Sultan of Sulu Mohammed Jamalul Alam (Translation of Deed of 1878 by Prof. Harold Conklin) wrote letters to the Governor of Jolo, Carlos Martinez and the Captain-General Malcampo to revoke what he termed the lease he granted over North Borneo. [18]

July 4, 1878

The Sultan of Sulu Mohammed Jamalul Alam sends a letter to the Captain-General of the Philippines.

According to the letter of the Sultan, Sandakan was not ceded to the United Kingdom but was only leased. The Sultan added that he only did this under the threat of attack from the British[19]

July 22, 1878

Bases of Peace and Capitulation signed in Jolo.

Sultan of Sulu, Mohammed Jamalul Alam declared the sovereignty of Spain over the Archipelago of Sulu and its dependencies while granting free exercise of religion and customs for his people. [20]

See also letter of July 24, 1878 from the Governor of Sulu to Baron de Overbeck.

British, German, French, Dutch, and the Spaniards agree on their spheres of influence in Southeast Asia.[21]

December 2, 1878

Dent and Overbeck apply for a Charter of Incorporation from Queen Victoria[22]

April 16, 1879

Acting Governor Treacher writes to the Colonial Office, objecting to hoisting of Spanish flag over North Borneo.

November 5, 1879

Memorandum by the Duke of Tetuan to the Marquis of Salisbury.

1880

The sultanate’s territory became officially part of the Dutch colonial empire. (usaid.gov)

November 1, 1881

Queen Victoria grants Charter of Incorporation to the British North Borneo Company

British North Borneo Company now does actually exist “as a Territorial Power” and not “as a Trading Company”[23]

November 16, 1881

Spaniards protest granting of Royal Charter

By virtue of treaties of capitulation of 1836, 1851, and 1878, Spain exercised sovereignty over Sulu and its dependencies including North Borneo; Sultan of Sulu had no right to enter into any treaties or make any cessions whatsoever [24]

Drawn by W.M. Crocker, representative of British North Borneo Company

W.J. Turner 1881 Royal Geographical Society Map: Drawn by W.M. Crocker, representative of British North Borneo Company for 16 years. Compare to 1901 and 1902 maps to see ultimate adjustments of various borders. (map located by Roel Balingit)

W.J. Turner 1881 Royal Geographical Society Map, detail.

W.J. Turner 1881 Royal Geographical Society Map, detail.

W.J. Turner 1881 Royal Geographical Society Map, inset map showing general divisions of North Borneo.

W.J. Turner 1881 Royal Geographical Society Map, inset map showing general divisions of North Borneo. Compare to 1901 Map to see further adjustments of borders.

 

January 7, 1882

British Foreign Minister Lord Earl Granville’s letter says Crown assumes no dominion or sovereignty over the territories occupied by the Company, nor does it purport to grant to the Company any powers of Government thereover.

Crown merely recognizes the grants of territory and the powers of government made and delegated by the Sultans in whom the sovereignty remains vested. [25]

March 7, 1885

Spanish claims to Borneo abandoned by Protocol of Sulu entered into by England, Germany and Spain

Spanish supremacy over the Sulu Archipelago was recognised on condition of their abandoning all claim to the portions of Northern Borneo which are now included in the British North Borneo Company’s concessions[26]

May 12, 1888

While civil war was ongoing in Sulu, “State of North Borneo” is made a British protectorate.

An agreement between the British North Borneo Company and Great Britain; British Government admits the North Borneo Company derived its rights and powers to govern the territory.[27]

June 14, 1888

British Protectorate established over Sarawak[28]

September 17, 1888

British Protectorate established over Brunei[29]

Blumentritt's Ethnological Map of the Philippines, 1890

Blumentritt’s Ethnological Map of the Philippines, 1890

Detail of 1890 Rand McNally Map delineating Sultanate of Sulu (yellow) from Spanish Philippines (green)

Detail of 1890 Rand McNally Map delineating Sultanate of Sulu (yellow) from Spanish Philippines (green)

1892

Jose Rizal proposes to the Spanish government to establish a Filipino colony in Sabah. This plan, however, does not push through.

1893 Netherlands Map indicating Borneo-Sulu Nautical Border

1893 Netherlands Map indicating Borneo-Sulu Nautical Border

1896

Federated Malay States

Provinces included: Negeri Sembilan, Pehang, Perak and Selangor[30]

1894-1936

Sultan Jamalul Kiram II rules the Sultanate of Sulu

Philippine Dependencies up to 1898: Marianas, Carolines, Palau Islands, from information in The Philippine Islands by John Foreman

Philippine Dependencies up to 1898: Marianas, Carolines, Palau Islands, from information in The Philippine Islands by John Foreman

Actual Spanish Map

Actual Spanish Map

 

December 10, 1898

Treaty of Paris

Spain cedes the Philippine Islands to the United States of America. The treaty lines did not include North Borneo (Sabah).[31]

Treaty of Paris 1898

Treaty of Paris 1898

1899

President Aguinaldo invites the Sultan of Sulu to join the newly-established First Republic of the Philippines.

Malolos Congress appointed representatives for Jolo: Benito Legarda and Victor Papa[32]

August 20, 1899

Kiram-Bates Treaty

Treaty acknowledged the “sovereignty of the United States over Jolo and its dependencies”

December 5, 1899

In his State of the Union Message, William McKinley discusses American policy towards the Sultanate of Sulu:

“The authorities of the Sulu Islands have accepted the succession of the United States to the rights of Spain, and our flag floats over that territory. On the 10th of August, 1899, Brig. Gen. J. C. Bates, United States Volunteers, negotiated an agreement with the Sultan and his principal chiefs, which I transmit herewith. By Article I the sovereignty of the United States over the whole archipelago of Jolo and its dependencies is declared and acknowledged.

The United States flag will be used in the archipelago and its dependencies, on land and sea. Piracy is to be suppressed, and the Sultan agrees to co-operate heartily with the United States authorities to that end and to make every possible effort to arrest and bring to justice all persons engaged in piracy. All trade in domestic products of the archipelago of Jolo when carried on with any part of the Philippine Islands and under the American flag shall be free, unlimited, and undutiable. The United States will give full protection to the Sultan in case any foreign nation should attempt to impose upon him. The United States will not sell the island of Jolo or any other island of the Jolo archipelago to any foreign nation without the consent of the Sultan. Salaries for the Sultan and his associates in the administration of the islands have been agreed upon to the amount of $760 monthly.

Article X provides that any slave in the archipelago of Jolo shall have the right to purchase freedom by paying to the master the usual market value. The agreement by General Bates was made subject to confirmation by the President and to future modifications by the consent of the parties in interest. I have confirmed said agreement, subject to the action of the Congress, and with the reservation, which I have directed shall be communicated to the Sultan of Jolo, that this agreement is not to be deemed in any way to authorize or give the consent of the United States to the existence of slavery in the Sulu archipelago. I communicate these facts to the Congress for its information and action.”

February 1, 1900

Kiram-Bates Treaty submitted to the U.S. Senate by William McKinley:

“In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of January 24, 1900, I transmit herewith a copy of the report and all accompanying papers of Brig-Gen. John C. Bates, in relation to the negotiations of a treaty or agreement made by him with the Sultan of Sulu on the 20th day of August, 1899.

I reply to the request and said resolution for further information that the payments of money provided for by the agreement will be made from the revenues of the Philippine Islands, unless Congress shall otherwise direct.

Such payments are not for specific services but are a part consideration due to the Sulu tribe or nation under the agreement, and they have been stipulated for subject to the action of Congress in conformity with the practice of this Government from the earliest times in its agreements with the various Indian nations occupying and governing portions of the territory subject to the sovereignty of the United States.”

Not ratified by the U.S. Senate, President Theodore Roosevelt abrogates treaty[33]

November 7, 1900

Convention of 1900

Consolidate the American possessions in the Sulu archipelago by including the islands of Sibutu and Cagayan, both of which had always formed part of the possessions of the Sulu sultanate.[34]

British North Borneo Company obtains from Sultan of Sulu even more territory

Philippines, Borneo: 1901 London Atlas

Philippines, Borneo: 1901 London Atlas

 

December 3, 1900

In his State of the Union Message, William McKinley provides details on the Convention of 1900:

“I feel that we should not suffer to pass any opportunity to reaffirm the cordial ties that existed between us and Spain from the time of our earliest independence, and to enhance the mutual benefits of that commercial intercourse which is natural between the two countries.

By the terms of the Treaty of Peace the line bounding the ceded Philippine group in the southwest failed to include several small islands lying westward of the Sulus, which have always been recognized as under Spanish control. The occupation of Sibutd and Cagayan Sulu by our naval forces elicited a claim on the part of Spain, the essential equity of which could not be gainsaid. In order to cure the defect of the treaty by removing all possible ground of future misunderstanding respecting the interpretation of its third article, I directed the negotiation of a supplementary treaty, which will be forthwith laid before the Senate, whereby Spain quits all title and claim of title to the islands named as well as to any and all islands belonging to the Philippine Archipelago lying outside the lines described in said third article, and agrees that all such islands shall be comprehended in the cession of the archipelago as fully as if they had been expressly included within those lines. In consideration of this cession the United States is to pay to Spain the sum of $100,000.

A bill is now pending to effect the recommendation made in my last annual message that appropriate legislation be had to carry into execution Article VII of the Treaty of Peace with Spain, by which the United States assumed the payment of certain claims for indemnity of its citizens against Spain. I ask that action be taken to fulfill this obligation.”

Palawan, Sulu, Borneo Border, 1901 London Atlas

Palawan, Sulu, Borneo Border, 1901 London Atlas

George Cram 1902 Borneo Map

George Cram 1902 Borneo Map

Borneo, Palawan, Sulu, Spratleys: George Cram Map, 1902

Borneo, Palawan, Sulu, Spratleys: George Cram Map, 1902

 

April 22, 1903

Additional $300 a year paid for a Confirmatory Deed stipulating that certain islands not specifically mentioned in the Deed of 1878 had in fact been always understood to be included therein.[35]

November 19, 1906

Note of the U.S. Department of State to the British Embassy in Washington, D.C.

“…the US Department of State stated that Sabah was not an Imperial possession of the British Crown, that the British North Borneo Company which had leased Sabah

from the Sultan of Sulu, did not have a national status, and that the company did not have an administration with the standing of a government”[36]

March 22, 1915

Carpenter Agreement:

Governor of Mindanao and Sulu Frank W. Carpenter signs an agreement with the Sultan of Sulu which relinquishes the Sultan’s, and his heirs’, right to temporal sovereignty, tax collection, and arbitration laws. In exchange, the Sultan gets an allowance, a piece of land and recognition as religious leader.[37]

May 4, 1920

Temporal Sovereignty and Ecclesiastical Authority of the Sultanate of Sulu

“…Gov. Frank W. Carpenter acknowledged the temporal sovereignty and ecclesiastical authority of the Sultanate of Sulu beyond the territorial jurisdiction of the United States government especially with reference to the portion of the Island of Borneo (Sabah) which is a dependency of the Sultan of Sulu.”[38]

Governor Frank W. Carpenter in a letter to the Director of Non-Christian Tribes stresses in a letter that the signing of the Agreement meant the “termination of all the rights of temporal sovereignty” which the Sultan had previously exercised in Sulu within American territory without prejudice to North Borneo.

Clarification: without prejudice or effect as to the temporal sovereignty and ecclesiastical authority of the Sultanate beyond the territorial jurisdiction of the U.S. Government, especially with reference to that portion of the island of Borneo which, as a dependency of the Sultanate of Sulu is understood to be held under lease by the Chartered Company which is known as the British North Borneo Company.[39]

British North Borneo Company attempts to have Sultan Jamalul Kiram to take up residence in Sandakan to acquire a good title to the ownership of the territories

A palace was offered in Sandakan to place himself under their protection. On two occasions, Gov. Carpenter had to send the Chief of Police of Jolo to bring the Sultan back from Sandakan [40]

June 11, 1926

Bacon Bill

Rep. Bacon files bill to separate Mindanao from the Philippines. [41]

January 2, 1930

The Boundaries Treaty of 1930

Clarifies which islands in the region belong to U.S. and

which belong to the State of North Borneo; delimits the boundary between the Philippine Archipelago (under U.S. sovereignty) and the State of North Borneo (under British protection) [42]

November 15, 1935

Philippine Commonwealth is inaugurated.

1935 Constitution

Article I, National Territory:

The Philippines comprises all the territory ceded to the United States by the Treaty of Paris concluded between the United States and Spain on the tenth day of December, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight, the limits which are set forth in Article III of said treaty, together with all the islands embraced in the treaty concluded at Washington between the United States and Spain on the seventh day of November, nineteen hundred, and the treaty concluded between the United States and Great Britain on the second day of January, nineteen hundred and thirty, and all territory over which the present Government of the Philippine Islands exercises jurisdiction.

June 11, 1936

Sultan of Sulu (Jamalul Kiram) dies and the question of the perpetuation of the Sultanate is raised. Sultan Muwallil Wasit succeeds his brother but dies before he was crowned.[43]

Brother is the claimant though his niece Dayang-Dayang, married to Datu Ombra, wishes to be Sultana. Quezon considers her to be the ablest of the Moros but Mohameddan law does not permit a woman to be Sultan. Harrison points out large portion of political sovereignty already surrendered to Wood in 1903 and Carpenter in 1915. Quezon to recognize Sultan only as the religious head. British North Borneo Company expressed interest because of the stipend paid by the Company to the Sultan. [44]

January 29, 1937

Datu Ombra Amilbangsa is proclaimed Sultan of Sulu

He is the husband of Dayang Dayang Hadji Piandao. His title becomes Sultan Mohammed Amirul Ombra Amilbangsa. His Crown Prince is Esmail Kiram, having given up his own present pretentions to the Sultanate[45]

About the same time, Datu Tambuyong is proclaimed and crowned Sultan.

His title becoming, Sultan Jainal Aberin. He chose Datu Buyungan, his brother and present husband of Tarhata Kiram as Crown Prince.[46]

1937-1950

While Esmail Kiram I did not assume the throne, Dayang Dayang makes her husband, Datu Ombra Amilbangsa, sultan. Datu Tambuyong is also crowned sultan but by opposing Moro leaders.

Datu Ombra is named Sultan Amirul Ombra Amilbangsa; Datu Tambuyong is crowned Sultan Jainal Aberin. The two claimed the sultanate from 1937-1950.[47]

May 9, 1937

Through the efforts of Dayang Dayang, the British resume payment of lease. [48]

September 20, 1937

Memorandum on Administration of Affairs in Mindanao of President Quezon to Secretary Quirino: Titles of Datus and Sultans are recognized but have no Official Rights and Powers[49]

October 2, 1937

Representative of Sulu Datu Amilbangsa writes to President Quezon.

Datu Amilbangsa claims that the policy as released covering this subject was most unnecessary, as the non-recognition has already taken effect since the abrogation of the Bates Treaty and the implantation of the Civil Government in the regions referred to. [50]

October 8, 1937

Three-point policy for Mindanao and Sulu letter from the Executive Secretary Jorge Vargas to the Representative of Sulu Datu Amilbangsa.

Jorge Vargas communicates President Manuel L. Quezon’s policy to recognize the titles of Datus and Sultans but no official rights and powers.[51]

December 18, 1939

High Court of the State of North Borneo hands down decision in Civil Suit No. 169/39. In it, North Borneo Chief Justice C.F.C. Mackaskie stated that the heirs of the sultan were legally entitled the payment for North Borneo, which the decision calls “cession payment” on the basis of an English translation by Maxwell and Gibson.

In the same decision, Mackaskie renders an obiter dictum opinion or side note, that the Philippine Government is the successor-in-sovereignty to the Sultanate of Sulu.

This obiter dictum however, does not establish a legal precedent, and was furthermore based on a report from the British Consul in Manila, claiming that the Commonwealth Government had abolished the Sultanate of Sulu

Note: The first to challenge the Maxwell & Gibson translation used by the High Court of the State of North Borneo is Francis Burton Harrison, who pointed out in 1946-47 that Chief Justice Mackaskie used the British translation of the North Borneo agree which stated that the land was ceded; he submits a different translation by Prof. Conklin, obtained through H. Otley Beyer [52]

April 4, 1940

Dayang Dayang renounces her claim against the Philippine Government over the Sultanate of Sulu[53]

1942-1945

World War II

1943: Quezon's Proposed Union with Indonesia

1943: Quezon’s Proposed Union with Indonesia

 

1946

Malayan Union Created

Provinces included:

  • Federated Malayan States
  • Unfederated Malayan States (Johor, Kedah, Kalantan, Perils, Terengganu)
  • Malacca
  • Penang[54]

June 18, 1946

American attorneys representing the heirs of the Sultan of Sulu denounce British action of annexation of North Borneo calling it an unauthorized act of aggression.[55]

June 26, 1946

British North Borneo Company cedes colony to the Crown. Thus, annexing North Borneo to the British Empire.[56]

July 4, 1946

Inauguration of the Third Philippine Republic

July 10 (16), 1946

British Government annexed the territory of North Borneo as a Crown Colony.[57]

September 26, 1946

Presidential Adviser on Foreign Affairs, Francis Burton Harrison, writes a recommendation to the Department of Foreign Affairs that the Philippines should launch a protest against Britain’s annexation

Francis Burton Harrison was former American Governor-General of the Philippines. He became a Filipino Citizen in 1936 and was an advisor on Foreign Affairs to President Manuel Roxas.[58]

December 8, 1946

Francis Burton Harrison writes a second memorandum on the government of the Sultanate of Sulu.

In the memorandum, Francis Burton Harrison mentions that he asked a Professor Otley Beyer to translate the original lease of North Borneo. Beyer translates it as the land being Leased and not as ceded.[59]

February 27, 1947

Francis Burton Harrison: Recommendation to Secretary of Foreign Affairs and Vice President Elpidio Quirino:

The action of the British Government in announcing on the 16th of July (1946), just 12 days after the inauguration of the Republic of the Philippines, a step taken by the British Government unilaterally, and without any special notice to the Sultanate of Sulu, nor consideration of their legal rights, was an act of political aggression, which should be promptly repudiated by the Government of the Republic of the Philippines. The proposal to lay this case before the United Nations should bring the whole matter before the bar of world opinion.[60]

January 31, 1948

The Federation of Malaya was created

Malay States became British Protectorates.

Malacca and Penang remained as British Colonies.[61]

1950-1974

Sultan Esmail Kiram assumes the throne until his death in 1974.

April 28, 1950

House of Representatives approved Concurrent Resolution No. 42 expressing

[The] sense of the Congress of the Philippines that North Borneo belongs to the heirs of the Sultan of Sulu and the ultimate sovereignty of the Republic of the Philippines and authorizing the President (Elpidio Quirino) to conduct negotiations for the restoration of such ownership and sovereign jurisdiction over said territory.

The Senate did not approve the Resolution.

Reps. Macapagal (Pampanga), Rasul (Mindanao and Sulu), Escarreal (Samar), Cases (La Union), Tizon (Samar), Tolentino (Manila), and Lacson (Manila) author the Resolution.[62]

September 4, 1950

Philippines advised British Government that a dispute regarding ownership and sovereignty over North Borneo existed between the two countries.[63]

August 30, 1955

Vice President Carlos P. Garcia and the British Ambassador to Manila signed an agreement that provided for the employment and settlement of 5,000 skilled and unskilled Filipino agriculturists and miners in North Borneo

Agreement not implemented as North Borneo employers feared multiple suits arising from claims of Filipino laborers: they had found a sizable number of Indonesians willing to work on a temporary basis[64]

January 1957

Governor of North Borneo visits Manila to implement the 1955 labor treaty.

500-man delegation of Filipino Muslims present resolution to President Ramon Magsaysay calling for direct negotiations with the British to return North Borneo to the Philippines. Magsaysay did not act on the resolution.

British response: United Kingdom High Commissioner for Southeast Asia said it would not take seriously the demands of Moros in the Philippines for certain areas of North Borneo.[65]

July 31, 1957

The Federation of Malaya Act was signed.

The Federation of Malaya was established as a sovereign country within the British Commonwealth.[66]

November 25, 1957

Muhammad Esmail Kiram, Sultan of Sulu, issued a proclamation declaring the termination of the Overbeck and Dent lease, effective January 22, 1958.

All lands were to be deemed restituted henceforth to the Sultanate of Sulu[67]

1957

“A syndicate headed by Nicasio Osmeña acting as attorney-in-fact for the heirs, attempted without success to negotiate with the British Foreign Office for a lump sum payment of $15 million in full settlement of the lease agreement.”[68]

August 31, 1957

Peninsular Malaya granted independence by Britain[69]

May 27, 1961

Inclusion of North Borneo (Sabah) in the concept of Malaysia after the UK talks

It was during this time when then President Diosdado Macapagal was forced to initiate the filing of the Philippine claim in North Borneo (Sabah) as it was being considered as a member of the proposed concept of Malaysia broached by Prime Minister Tengku Abduk Rahman in Singapore [70]

Tunku Abdul Rahman, Prime Minister of the Federation of Malaya, formally announced the idea of “Greater Malaysia” in a speech at the Conference of Foreign Journalists’ Association of Southeast Asia held at the Adelphi Hotel, Singapore. This was a plan to bring Federation of Malaya, Singapore, North Borneo, Brunei and Sarawak together in political and economic cooperation.[71]

Prime Minister Tunku delivers a speech about the need to establish a plan to bring the Federation of Malaya, Singapore, North Borneo, Brunei and Sarawak into a form of political and economic cooperation. He also proposes the establishment of Malaysia.[72]

July 23, 1961

The Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee was established for the purpose of explaining to the people of North Borneo, Sarawak and Brunei about the establishment of Malaysia.[73]

August 1961

Inaugural meeting of the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee was held in Sabah.[74]

November 1961

Negotiations between the Federation of Malaya and the British Government[75]

November 20-22, 1961

Negotiations between the Malaya and British governments took place, concluding with a joint statement on the creation of Malaysia.[76] Two conditions were also set: first, that the views of the peoples of North Borneo and Sarawak should be ascertained,[77] and that the Anglo-Malayan Defence Agreement of 1957 should be extended to all territories of the new federation.

December 18-20, 1961

Second meeting of the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee was held in Kuching, Sarawak.[78]

January 6-7, 1962

The Third Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee meeting was held in the Selangor Legislative Assembly Chamber, Kuala Lumpur[79]

January 16, 1962

Formation of a Commission of Enquiry in North Borneo and Sarawak Regarding Malaysian Federation (also known as the Cobbold Commission).

See CO 947 summary of records in British National Archives. See also Regina Lim, Federal-State Relations in Sabah, Malaysia: The Berjaya Administration, 1976-85. Also, Alistair Morison, Fair Land Sarawak: Some Recollections of an Expatriate Officer. The Malaysian official view is in Penubuhan Malaysia 1963.

January 17, 1962

Formation of the Cobbold Commission.[80]

The Commission was tasked explore the views of communities in North Borneo (Sabah) and Sarawak on the idea of Malaysia. The Commission comprises of five members, chaired by Lord Cobbold, a former governor of the Bank of England, its members comprises of Dato’ Wong Pow Nee and Encik Mohd Ghazali bin Shafie, representing the government of Malaya, while Sir Anthony Abell and Sir David Watherston , the representative of the British government. Mr. H. Harris acted as the Secretary.[81]

The Commission of Enquiry in North Borneo and Sarawak Regarding Malaysian Federation is established to survey the views of the communities in North Borneo (Sabah) and Sarawak on the idea of Malaysia. It is also known as the Cobbold Commission, after its chairman Lord Cobbold (a former governor of the Bank of England). The other members of the Commission are Dato’ Wong Pow Nee and Encik Mohd Ghazali bin Shafie, representing the Federation of Malaya, and Sir Anthony Abell and Sir David Watherston, representing the British government.[82]

February 3-4, 1962

The Fourth Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee Meeting.

February 5, 1962

Attorneys of the heirs of the Sultan of Sulu wrote to the Department of Foreign Affairs with the desire to have the territory included as part of the national territory of the Republic of the Philippines;

Ortiz: J.C. Orendain, acting as counsel for the heirs – regain proprietary rights to North Borneo and that sovereignty be turned over to the Philippine Republic[83]

April 24, 1962

Heirs of the Sultan of Sulu ceded sovereignty rights over Sabah to the Philippine Government[84]

Resolution No. 321 unanimously adopted by House of Representatives, urging President Macapagal to take the necessary steps for the recovery of North Borneo (Sabah).

Filed by Rep. Godofredo Ramos (Aklan) the resolution read: “It is the sense of the House of Representatives that the claim to North Borneo is legal and valid.”

April 25, 1962

President Macapagal called Sultan Mohammad Esmail Kiram to Malacañan Palace to discuss the Philippine Claim on North Borneo.

Acceptance by the Republic of the Philippines, represented by Acting Secretary of Foreign Affairs Salvador P. Lopez of the cession and transfer of territory of North Borneo[85]

April 29, 1962

Ruma Bechara advised Sultan Esmail Kiram to cede to the Republic of the Philippines the territory of North Borneo, and the full sovereignty, title and dominion over the territory, without prejudice to such proprietary rights as the heirs of Sultan Jamalul Kiram may have.[86]

May 25, 1962

British Government sends a note to the Philippines asserting its claim on Sabah; says no dispute on sovereignty and ownership of Sabah.

Note is sent by British Ambassador to the Vice President and Secretary of Foreign Affairs Emmanuel Pelaez.[87]

June 21, 1962

Signing of the Report of the Commission of Enquiry, North Borneo and Sarawak, at Knebworth House, London

June 22, 1962

Acting Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Salvador P. Lopez, handed a note to the British Ambassador to Manila asserting the Philippine claim on North Borneo.

In implementation of House Resolution 321.[88]

July 21, 1962

The Cobbold Commission submits its report to the British Government and the Federation of Malaya. Both governments accept and adopt their recommendations.

August 7, 1962

British Government reply to June 22, 1962 note of Philippines again asserting its sovereignty over Sabah

Note is sent by Secretary of State to Philippine Ambassador in London[89]

August 29, 1962

Resolution of the Ruma Bechara of Sulu authorizing the Sultan in council to transfer his title and sovereignty over the inhabitants and territory of North Borneo to the Republic of the Philippines

September 11, 1962

President Diosdado Macapagal issues special authorization in favor of Vice President Emmanuel Pelaez to formally accept, on behalf of the Republic of the Philippines, the cession or transfer of sovereignty over the territory of North Borneo by Sultan Mohammad Esmail Kiram, Sultan of Sulu.[90]

September 12, 1962

Heirs of the Sultan of Sulu cede all rights, proprietary, title, dominion and sovereignty to the Republic of the Philippines

Secretary of Foreign Affairs sends Note to British Ambassador asserting that the Philippine claim subsists despite the London agreements including North Borneo in the Federation of Malaysia[91]

September 27, 1962

Vice-President Emmanuel Pelaez addresses the United Nations General Assembly

We stand on what we consider to be valid legal and historical grounds. Our claim has been put forward with sincere assurance of our desire that the issue be settled by peaceful means, and without prejudice to the exercise of the right of self-determination by the inhabitants of North Borneo, preferably under United Nations auspices.[92]

December 29, 1962

Joint UK-PHL Statement after consultations.

The Philippine and British Governments being vitally concerned in the security and stability of South East Asia, have decided to hold conversations about questions and problems of mutual interest. The British Government have responded to the Philippine Government’s desire for talks, first expressed in their note of June 22, by inviting the Philippine Government to send a delegation to London for consultations at a mutually convenient date in January, 1963. Recent developments have made such conversations, in the spirit of the Manila Treaty (SEATO) and the Pacific Charter (U.N.), highly desirable.[93]

January 26, 1963

Indonesian President Sukarno pledges support to the Philippines[94]

January 28, 1963

President Macapagal restates Philippine position on Sabah in his SONA:

The situation is that the Philippines not only has a valid and historic claim to North Borneo. In addition, the pursuit of the claim is itself vital to our national security.[95]

January 28 – February 1, 1963

Talks between British and Philippine Governments held in London. See Opening Statement by Vice-President Pelaez.

Philippines panel composed of Vice President and Foreign Affairs Secretary Pelaez, Usec. Salvador P. Lopez, Defense Secretary Macario Peralta, Justice Secretary Juan Liwag, Senator Raul Manglapus, Rep. Jovito Salonga and Godofredo Ramos, and Amb. Eduardo Quintero.[96]

February 1, 1963

Joint Final Communique issued by the Philippines and the United Kingdom stating both their claims[97]

March 25, 1963

Senator Sumulong dissented to the filing of the Philippine claim to Sabah. Suggested voluntarily relinquishing whatever claims of sovereignty.

Sumulong says the claim was “tardily presented to the United Nations.” He pointed out that our claim did not specify the particular portion of North Borneo covered by it.[98]

March 30, 1963

Rep. Salonga (Rizal) responds to Senator Sumulong

Claim is of the entire Republic based on respect for the rule of law, the sanctity of contractual obligations, the sacredness of facts, and the relentless logic of our situation in this part of the world.[99]

June 7 – 11, 1963

Discussion between the foreign affairs secretaries of the Federation of Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines.

The meeting resulted in the drafting of the Manila Accord.[100]

July 9, 1963

Malaysia Agreement was signed.

Article I provided for the creation of the Federation of Malaysia which included the colonies of Singapore, North Borneo, and Sarawak.[101]

July 30 – August 5, 1963

MAPHILINDO (Malaya, Philippines, Indonesia) is formed, a loose consultative body among the three countries.

July 31, 1963

Manila Accord is signed

Indonesia, the Federation of Malaya, and the Philippines sign a policy statement agreeing to peacefully resolve the issue on North Borneo.

Ministers of the country agree to the creation of Malaysia with the support of the people of North Borneo to be ascertained by an independent body. (UN Secretary General)[102]

August 5, 1963

Joint Statement by the Philippines, the Federation of Malaya, and Indonesia

The United Nations Secretary-General or his representative should ascertain prior to the establishment of the Federation of Malaysia the wishes of the people of Sabah (North Borneo) and Sarawak within the context of General Assembly

A joint communiqué was issued by the foreign ministers of Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines stating that the inclusion of North Borneo in the Federation of Malaysia “would not prejudice either the Philippine claim or any right thereunder.”[103]

Foreign Affairs Secretary Salvador P. Lopez tries to get British Government to enter into a special arrangement to refer the dispute to the International Court of Justice[104]

August 8, 1963

Two United Nations teams were sent to Sarawak and Sabah to ascertain the wishes of the population with regard to joining the Federation of Malaysia.[105]

August 14, 1963

United Nations Secretary-General Report confirming that majority of the population of Sabah and Sarawak wished to join the Federation of Malaysia.[106]

August 16 – September 5, 1963

The United Nations Malaysia Mission was sent to Sabah and Sarawak in order to assess if their population agreed in joining Malaysia.

September 9, 1963

British reply, “in view of the July 9 Agreement signed by Britain, Malaya, North Borneo, Sarawak and Singapore concerning establishment of the Federation of Malaysia.”[107]

September 10, 1963

The Secretary-General’s representative, Laurence Michelmore, submitted UN Malaysian Mission’s report to Secretary-General U Thant. Among the members were Mr. George Howard; Mr. Kenneth K.S. Dadzie; Mr. George Janecek, Deputy Representative of the Secretary-General; and Mr. Neville Kanakaratne. See UN Photo Release, September 10, 1963. Glasgow Herald (September 12, 1963) reported Commission’s findings:

100 per cent. of the population of North Borneo and 75 per cent. of the population of Sarawak supported formation of the federation.

September 14, 1963

Secretary-General U Thant issues report on UNMM. See New York Times, Text of Thant Statements on Malaysia, September 15, 1963.

September 16, 1963

Federation of Malaysia came into being as a sovereign state, with North Borneo as one of the component states.

Since the new State of Malaysia succeeded to the interests of the British Crown in Sabah, the Philippine claim had to be pursued against Malaysia.[108]

President Diosdado Macapagal, after conferring with congressional leaders and foreign policy advisers, decided to withhold recognition of the federation until the Philippines gets formal assurances that the new Malaysia would uphold the Manila accord.[109]

September 17, 1963

Philippines refused to recognize Malaysia.

Both the Philippines and Indonesia rejected the UN findings and broke off diplomatic relations with Kuala Lumpur.[110]

1963

Referendum is conducted in North Borneo. People of North Borneo choose to join Malaysia[111]

January 11, 1964

Sukarno-Macapagal Joint Statement[112]

February 5 – 10, 1964

Attempts of allies (including the U.S.A.) to mediate among the three MAPHILINDO countries result in a series of talks in Bangkok[113]

February 1964

Macapagal and Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Raman met in Phnom Penh. As a result, Tunku agreed to elevate the Sabah dispute to the World Court if he could get the Sabah leaders to go along.[114]

March 3-6, 1964

Attempts of allies (including the U.S.A.) to mediate among the three MAPHILINDO countries result in a series of talks in Tokyo[115]

May 18, 1964

Establishment of Philippine-Malaysia Diplomatic Relations by the creation of a Consulate in Kuala Lumpur.

November 19, 1964

A proposal was made by the Philippines to submit the dispute to the International Court of Justice as a token of their adherence to the rule of law and the UN Charter.[116]

August 9, 1965

Singapore is expelled from the Federation of Malaysia

June 3, 1966

Malaysia reiterates its willingness to abide by the Manila Accord and the Joint Statement of August 5, 1963[117]

1967

Plan to destabilize North Borneo (Sabah) was made by President Ferdinand Marcos.

August 8, 1967

Establishment of ASEAN[118]

August – December 1967

The Jabidah unit trains for their mission to destabilize North Borneo (Sabah)

December 30, 1967

135 of the 180 trainees of Jabidah are brought to Corregidor for “Special Training”

March 18, 1968

Jabidah Massacre

March 27, 1968

Constancio B. Maglana delivered a privilege speech in the House of Representatives on the Philippine claim on Sabah

Constancio B. Maglana, a member of the House of Representatives published Sabah is Philippines (1969), and in a privilege speech, apart from laying the basis for the Philippine claim, also advocated the prosecution of the claim. [119]

March 28, 1968

Jabidah Expose in a privilege speech of Senator Benigno S. Aquino Jr.

March 29,1968

Senate Minority Floor Leader Ambrosio Padilla reveals a document dated February 1, 1968, which was a power of attorney executed by the heirs of the Sultan of Sulu in favor of President Marcos, recognizing the authority and power of the President to represent them in the settlement of their proprietary rights over Sabah.[120]

Press Secretary Jose Aspiras announced that the authority had been given to the President as Chief Executive[121]

Malacañang released another document, also dated February 1, 1968, in which the President Ferdinand Marcos transferred to Foreign Affairs Secretary Narciso Ramos, in his official capacity, the authority conferred by the heirs of the President.[122]

June 17, 1968

Talks between the Philippines and Malaysia opened in Bangkok

Philippine panel composition: Ambassador Gauttier Bisnar, Amb. Eduardo Quintero, Dr. Florentino Feliciano,

Amb. Leon Ma. Guerrero and Amb. Mauro Caluigo

(Philippine Ambassador to Malaysia)

Delegation’s Term of Reference: Only one mode of settlement – elevating the dispute to the World Court.[123]

July 15, 1968

Malaysia rejects Philippine claim.

The position of my Government is that the Philippines has no claim at all, that there is nothing to settle, and that there is nothing more to talk about.[124]

July 16, 1968

Amb. Guerrero responds to Malaysian rejection

Says the Malaysian Ambassador’s “unipersonal rejection” has “single-handedly brought our two countries to the most serious crisis in their relations.”[125]

July 20, 1968

Upon advice of the Foreign Policy Council, President Ferdinand E. Marcos breaks diplomatic relations with Malaysia[126]

July 21, 1968

President Ferdinand E. Marcos issued a policy statements about the Philippine claim

In radio-television chat, a day after the withdrawal of diplomatic corps in Kuala Lumpur, President Ferdinand E. Marcos, reiterated the Philippine government pacific policy in its efforts to pursue the claim and advocated the recourse to filing the case at the International Court of Justice (ICJ).[127]

August 28, 1968

Congress approves Senate Bill No. 954 that delinates the baselines of the Philippines and provides that “the territory of Sabah, situated in North Borneo, over which the Republic of

the Philippines has acquired dominion and sovereignty.”

Sent to the President for approval.[128]

Admiral Michael Carver, Commander-in-Chief of the British forces in the Far East said his troops, ships and planes “stand squarely behind Malaysia in the growing crises with the Philippines over Northern Sabah.”[129]

September 18, 1968

Upon the recommendation of the Foreign Policy Council, President Marcos signs Senate Bill No. 954. It became Republic Act No. 5446.[130]

US State Department Press Officer Robert J. McCloskey said the U.S. recognized the ownership of Malaysia over Sabah

Reactions:

Senator Roy: “a sneak betrayal of a friend and ally.”

Senator Benigno S. Aquino Jr: disappointment over Washington’s “shabby and painful treatment” of the Philippines.

Senator Ziga: U.S. action would make it lose friends in the Philippines[131]

Marcos called U.S. Ambassador R.G. Mennen Williams and secured assurance that U.S. would abide by her treaty commitment to defend the Philippines in case of British or Malaysian attack.

1,000 students from the University of Malaya invaded the compound of the Philippine embassy in Kuala Lumpur.

They stoned the building, pulled down the Philippine flag from its pole and trampled upon it[132]

October 15, 1968

23rd Session of the UN General Assembly, the Philippines and Malaysia tangled in a debate on the North Borneo (Sabah) Issue

PHL policy statement: bring issue up to World Court, consistent with the Manila Accord agreement

Malaysia policy statement: the people of Sabah had shown their desire to be with the Federation of Malaysia; upheld the British title to Sabah based on, “continuous occupation, administration and exercise of sovereignty, which by itself in international law, is sufficient as a good title;” there is no Philippine claim therefore nothing to discuss.[133]

December 1968

Malaysia proposed that the Philippines recognize her sovereignty over Sabah as a condition for the normalization of Philippine-Malaysian diplomatic relations, without prejudice to the Philippines pursuing her claim.[134]

January 22, 1969

President Ferdinand E. Marcos declares in SONA: Philippine claim to North Borneo is justified based on legal, historical, and moral grounds.

We will pursue the claim peacefully in keeping with the spirit of previous understandings with Malaysia and in accordance with the principles of national law. The claim is in the national interest and we intend to pursue it by making use of all available peaceful resources. We are encouraged by the fact that many of our Asian friends are helping in the search for a modus vivendi between the Philippines and Malaysia.

December 1969

Diplomatic relations between Malaysia and the Philippines formally resume as a result of a discussion between PM Tunku Abdul Rahman and Secretary of Foreign Affairs Carlos P. Romulo.

September 23, 1972

Martial Law is declared

October 24, 1972

Moro National Liberation Front begins rebellion against the government

1973 Constitution

Article on National Territory reads:

The national territory comprises the Philippine archipelago, with all the islands and waters embraced therein, and all the other territories belonging to the Philippines by historic or legal title, including the territorial sea, the air space, the subsoil, the sea-bed, the insular shelves, and the submarine areas over which the Philippines has sovereignty or jurisdiction. The waters around, between, and connecting the islands of the archipelago, irrespective of their breadth and dimensions, form part of the internal waters of the Philippines.

1974-1986

Mahakuttah Kiram becomes Sultan in 1974, after the death of his father, Sultan Esmail Kiram I. He rules until his death in 1986.

May 10, 1974

Memorandum Order No. 427, s. 1974

Creating a committee to handle the confirmation of the Sultan of Sulu by the Ruma Bechara

May 13, 1974

Executive Order No. 429, S. 1974

Creating a Consultative Council on Muslim Affairs

December 23, 1976

Tripoli Agreement is signed.

August 4, 1977

President Ferdinand E. Marcos gives up claim to Sabah. At this point in Marcos’ Presidency, a legislature has not yet been convened, therefore, President Marcos exercised full authority over Foreign Affairs policy.

In a speech Marcos said:

The Philippine government is taking definite steps to eliminate of the burdens of ASEAN – the Philippine claim to Sabah.[135]

After the statement, Marcos handed draft of the “Border Crossing and Joint Patrol Agreement” to Malaysia. It was not signed.[136]

Malaysians asked two things of the Philippines:

1) 1973 Constitution with its broad definition of our national territory be amended in order to eliminate the clause, “territories belonging to the Philippines by historic right or legal title.”

2) That R.A. 5446, particularly Section 2, be repealed.[137]

June 25, 1980

At the ASEAN Foreign Ministers Conference in Kuala Lumpur, MP Arturo M. Tolentino declared that the Philippine claim to Sabah “…is closed. We are not raising it anymore.”[138]

Three rounds of talks between Manila and Kuala Lumpur break down with Malaysia objecting to quid pro quo approach of the Philippines.

Usec. of Foreign Affairs Pacifico Castro and Tan Sri Zainal meet intermittently in Manila and Kuala Lumpur.[139]

1982-1985

Secret talks between Minister Roberto V. Ongpin and Malaysian PM Mahathir.[140]

November 1982

Malaysian foreign ministry said:

Just a verbal announcement of the Philippines that it has dropped the claim is not enough. The Philippines has not taken all the necessary steps to delete a clause in its Constitution laying claim to Sabah.[141]

PM Mahathir reiterated need for PHL to drop claim in a brief interview after speaking before the ASEAN Law Association general assembly at the University of Malaya in Kuala Lumpur.

He said claim remained a “thorny problem” even though the Philippines is not actively pursuing it.[142]

May 1, 1986

Vice President and Minister for Foreign Affairs Salvador H. Laurel meets with PM Mahathir and Foreign Minister Tengku Ahmad Rithauddeen in Kuala Lumpur

Mahatir reiterated commitment to settle proprietary issue of the heirs of the Sultan when they could agree on a single spokesperson with whom the Malaysian government could deal.

June 1986

ASEAN Foreign Ministers meeting in Manila

Usec. of Foreign Affairs Jose D. Ingles and Sec. Gen. of Malaysian Foreign Ministry continue discussion on Sabah question.[143]

July 3, 1986

Debates of the Constitutional Commission

Draft proposed by Fr. Joaquin Bernas,S.J., removes “Historical right or legal title” from the National Territory section of the Constitution and replacing it with, “Over which the Government exercises Sovereignty and Jurisdiction” Commissioner Serafin Guingona objects to this proposal saying it might be interpreted as a dropping of our claim to Sabah.

Bernas says this was in order to adhere to generally accepted principles of international law.

July 7, 1986

Debates of the Constitutional Commission

On second Reading the provision of National Territory which states “Over which the Government exercises Sovereign Jurisdiction” is approved.

July 9, 1986

Debates of the Constitutional Commission

On Third Reading the provision of National Territory which states “Over which the Government exercises Sovereign Jurisdiction” is lost.

July 10, 1986

Debates of the Constitutional Commission

Concepcion objects to the proposed section on National Territory thus bringing it back to Second Reading.

Bernas proposes to change the word Exercises to has.

The Provision is approved.

February 16, 1987

Philippines with various demarcations

Philippines with various demarcations

1987 Constitution comes into full force and effect, in fulfilment of the first stipulation of the Malaysians.

National Territory:

The national territory comprises the Philippine archipelago, with all the islands and waters embraced therein, and all other territories over which the Philippines has sovereignty or jurisdiction, consisting of its terrestrial, fluvial and aerial domains, including its territorial sea, the seabed, the subsoil, the insular shelves, and other submarine areas. The waters around, between, and connecting the islands of the archipelago, regardless of their breadth and dimensions, form part of the internal waters of the Philippines.

February 20, 1987

Series of meetings between Usec. of Foreign Affairs Jose D. Ingles and Tan Sri Zainal held further talks in Kuala Lumpur

Usec. of Foreign Affairs Jose D. Ingles and Sec. Gen. of Malaysian Foreign Ministry continue discussion of Sabah question.[144]

June 27, 1987

Series of meetings between Usec. of Foreign Affairs Jose D. Ingles and Tan Sri Zainal held further talks in Hong Kong

Usec. of Foreign Affairs Jose D. Ingles and Sec. Gen. of Malaysian Foreign Ministry continue discussion of Sabah question. Philippines agreed to adopt new baseline law: Malaysians proposed agreements on border crossing, extradition, Treaty of Friendship, and establishment of consulates.[145]

October 23, 1987

Upon instructions from President Corazon C. Aquino, Secretary of Foreign Affairs Raul S. Manglapus tries to unify the heirs to the sultanate.

Letter of Manglapus to Senator Santanina Rasul:

I would like to suggest that the claimants organize themselves so that they may arrive at a common position…. Although yours is a private claim, we have the assurance of the Malaysian government that they are ready and willing to negotiate with the heirs of the Sultan of Sulu in order to settle this matter.

Senator Rasul successfully brings the heirs to Malacañan Palace and appoint representatives. However, talks were stalled when Jamalul Kiram III dissented.[146]

November 19, 1987

Senator Leticia Ramos-Shahani files Senate Bill no. 206 to repeal R.A. No. 5446. Says a package of bilateral treaties agreements on amity and economic cooperation, extradition, and border-crossing and patrols, are part of a package deal offered in exchange for the dropping of the Sabah claim.

Certified urgent by President Corazon C. Aquino but faced stiff opposition. It was not passed in the 8th Congress.[147]

December 4-6, 1987

President Corazon C. Aquino and Secretary Raul S. Manglapus met with the heirs without Jamalul Kiram III

Brief from the meeting:

They were of the opinion that Sultan Mohamad Jamalul Kiram III was expressing his own personal views which contravene the consensus reached at the meeting of the heirs with Secretary… Manglapus at the PICC on Friday, December 4 and at the conference of the heirs held with President Corazon C. Aquino at Malacañang on Saturday, December 5.[148]

August 28, 1988

Former Senator Arturo M. Tolentino opposed the Shahani Bill as it would drop Sabah claim.[149]

February 12, 1989

Sultan Mohammad Jamalal Kiram III(one of the claimnants to the throne) revoked the resolution of August 1962 regarding the transfer of title and sovereignty to the Republic of the Philippines.[150]

January 11, 1993

President Fidel V. Ramos issues Executive Order No. 46 creating the Bipartisan Executive-Legislative Advisory Council on the Sabah Issues

January 27 – 30, 1993

President Fidel V. Ramos state visit to Malaysia.

President Fidel V. Ramos makes proposal, Malaysia agrees to set up a consulate in Sabah and Davao, respectively. Downplays North Borneo issue despite calls from members of Congress to pursue claim.

February 10, 1993

President Fidel V. Ramos attempts to unify the heirs to the Sultanate.

President Ramos suggested that to the representatives of the heirs that they create a corporation called the Sulu-Sabah Development Corporation. The entity would be the conduit of funds from the settlement of the proprietary claim over Sabah.[151]

July 1993

The Philippines and Malaysia sign MOU on Joint Commission on Bilateral Cooperation

December 6-10, 1993

1st PH-Malaysia Joint Commission for Bilateral Cooperation

The Meeting discussed the reciprocal establishment of Consular Offices in the Philippines and Malaysia.

The Philippine delegation stated that the Philippine Government was still considering possible sites for the establishment of a Consulate in East Malaysia

The Malaysian Delegation informed that Malaysia wishes to establish a consulate in southern Philippines. The Philippine Delegation welcomed the Malaysian proposal. The Philippine Delegation indicated that the Philippines is considering possible sites for a consular office in East Malaysia[152]

March 26, 1994

President Fidel V. Ramos proposes creation of BIMP-EAGA (Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Philippines-East ASEAN Growth Area)

1995, 10th Congress

HB 2657 – “The Philippine Exclusive Economic Zone Act of 1995”[153]

Introduced by Rep. Manuel B. Villar, Jr.

March 28 – 29, 1995

2nd PH-Malaysia Joint Commission for Bilateral Cooperation

The Malaysian side stated that the Malaysian Government has decided to establish a Consulate General in Davao City. A formal notification would be made to the Philippine Government and plans are for the Consulate to be set up in May/June 1995.”

The Philippine side welcomed the decision of the Malaysian Government and assured the Philippine Government’s full cooperation in the establishment of the Malaysian Consulate in Davao City. The Philippine side that the Philippine Government has yet to decide on the location of its Consulate in east Malaysia.[154]

1995

Philippine and Malaysian governments agree to setup a consulate in Sabah and Davao, respectively. Malaysia setup a consulate in Davao in December but the Philippines did not push through.[155]

May 29 – 31, 1995

3rd PH-Malaysia Joint Commission for Bilateral Cooperation (JCBC)

The Meeting agreed on the need to hold regular informal consultations between the relevant agencies of the two sides to resolve any outstanding problem pertaining to Filipino workers and illegal immigrants[156]

Opening Remarks by Datuk Abdullah Haji Ahmad Badawi, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Malaysia for the 3rd PH-Malaysia Joint Commission for Bilateral Cooperation (JCBC)

Regulating the Flow of People and Goods:

…The Armed Forces and Police of our respective countries have already concluded a historic joint patrol exercise designed to curb piracy, illegal entry and illegal fishing in the territorial waters of the two countries. A working group between our two countries had recently met in Sabah to deal with border crossing matters. This is an important development which will contribute to facilitating and regulating the flow of people and goods at the border areas of East Malaysia and Southern Philippines…[157]

1996

Princess Denchurain Kiram writes Prime Minister Mahatir of Malaysia asking to increase the the rental $1,000,000. She also said that she is willing to renounce the claim if the Malaysian Government provide a fair settlement.

Proposal was refused by the Prime Minister.[158]

September 2, 1996

Peace agreement with MNLF

December 1996

Border Crossing and Joint Patrol agreements signed by the Philippines and Malaysia.

1998, 11th Congress

HB 2973 – “Archipelagic Baselines Law of the Philippines”

Introduced by Hon. J. Apolinario L. Lozada, Jr.[159]

July 5, 1999

Executive Order No. 117 reconstituted the Bipartisan Executive-Legislative Advisory Council on the Sabah Issues

12th Congress

HB 2031 (HB 2973 re-filed)

Introduced by Hon. J. Apolinario L. Lozada, Jr.[160]

March 1-3, 2000

4th Malaysia-PH Joint Commission for Bilateral Cooperation

Establishment of a Consulate in Sabah:

The Meeting noted Philippines’ commitment towards the establishment of a Philippine Consulate in Sabah.[161]

January 2001

Sultan Esmail Kiram II writes Prime Minister Mahathir, through President Gloria Macapagal- Arroyo to increase the lease fee to $855 million per annum[162]

February 2001

PHL files for Application to Gain Access to the Pleadings at the International Court of Justice hearing on the Ligitan-Sipadan islands dispute between Malaysia and Indonesia in order “to preserve and safeguard its historical and legal rights arising from its claim to sovereignty and dominion over the territory of North Borneo.”

March 13, 2001

PHL petitions ICJ to intervene in territorial dispute over Sipadan and Ligitan islands between Malaysia and Indonesia

March 14, 2001

Malaysian authorities reportedly expressed willingness to buy Sabah for US $800 M

Deal supposedly initiated by heirs of the Sultan of Sulu through legal counsel Ulka Ulama[163]

August 9, 2001

President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, upon her return from a state visit to Malaysia, asks Vice President and Foreign Affairs Secretary Teofisto Guingona to set up an economic and cultural office in Sabah

Office would be similar to Manila Economic and Cultural Office in Taiwan[164]

October 24, 2001

ICJ denies application of Philippines for intervention. (Decision is in French). See Synopsis of the decision:

The Court determines whether Indonesia or Malaysia obtained a title to the islands by succession. The Court begins in this connection by observing that, while the Parties both maintain that the islands of Ligitan and Sipadan were not terrae nullius during the period in question in the present case, they do so on the basis of diametrically opposed reasoning, each of them claiming to hold title to those islands. The Court does not accept Indonesia’s contention that it retained title to the islands as successor to the Netherlands, which allegedly acquired it through contracts concluded with the Sultan of Bulungan, the original title-holder. Nor does the Court accept Malaysia’s contention that it acquired sovereignty over the islands of Ligitan and Sipadan further to a series of alleged transfers of the title originally held by the former sovereign, the Sultan of Sulu, that title having allegedly passed in turn to Spain, the United States, Great Britain on behalf of the State of North Borneo, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and finally to Malaysia.

Having found that neither of the Parties has a treaty-based title to Ligitan and Sipadan, the Court next considers the question whether Indonesia or Malaysia could hold title to the disputed islands by virtue of the effectivités cited by them. In this regard, the Court determines whether the Parties’ claims to sovereignty are based on activities evidencing an actual, continued exercise of authority over the islands, i.e., the intention and will to act as sovereign.

See also World Court Digest, which contains this opinion by one of the Justices:

2. I wish to explicate a legal basis for the Court’s decision which, while consistent with it, has not been advanced by the Court, perhaps because it was insufficiently advanced by the Parties …The point of law is quite simple, but ultimately basic to the international rule of law. It is this: historic title, no matter how persuasively claimed on the basis of old legal instruments and exercises of authority, cannot – except in the most extraordinary circumstances – prevail in law over the rights of non-self-governing people to claim independence and establish their sovereignty through the exercise of bona fide self-determination.

9. …Under modern international law, however, the enquiry must necessarily be broader, particularly in the context of decolonization. In particular, the infusion of the concept of the rights of a “people” into this traditional legal scheme, notably the right of peoples to self-determination, fundamentally alters the significance of historic title to the determination of sovereign title.

15. Accordingly, in light of the clear exercise by the people of North Borneo of their right to self-determination, it cannot matter whether this Court, in any interpretation it might give to any historic instrument or efficacy, sustains or not the Philippines claim to historic title. Modern international law does not recognize the survival of a right of sovereignty based solely on historic title; not, in any event, after an exercise of self-determination conducted in accordance with the requisites of international law, the bona fides of which has received international recognition by the political organs of the United Nations. Against this, historic claims and feudal pre-colonial titles are mere relics of another international legal era, one that ended with the setting of the sun on the age of colonial imperium.

16. The lands and people claimed by the Philippines formerly constituted most of an integral British dependency. In accordance with the law pertaining to decolonization, its population exercised their right of self-determination. What remains is no mere boundary dispute. It is an attempt to keep alive a right to reverse the free and fair decision taken almost 40 years ago by the people of North Borneo in the exercise of their legal right to self-determination. The Court cannot be a witting party to that.

For more details see International Court of Justice documents on “Sovereignty over Pulau Ligitan and Pulau Sipadan (Indonesia/Malaysia)”.

November 2001

ARMM Governor Nur Misuari ordered his troops to wage rebellion. He escapes to Malaysia. Malaysian government extradites him back to the Philippines

Misuari, ARMM Governor since 1996, tried to lobby for an extension of his term set to expire in 2002. Failing, he ordered the Moro National Liberation Front to rebel in Jolo. It is crushed.[165]

2002

Some of the heirs meet in Malacañan Palace at the invitation of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo

According to the article, Jamalul Kiram III was recognized as the Sultan. President Arroyo sent the letter asking for the adjustment of rent to Sabah to the Malaysian Prime Minister[166]

September 6, 2002

Executive Order No. 121, s. 2002 again reconstituted the Bipartisan Executive-Legislative Advisory Council on the Sabah Issues

September 19, 2002

President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo assures heirs of Sultan of Sulu that they are protected

August 2002

Reports of “heavy-handed” of Filipino deportees spark diplomatic protest from Manila

Philippine lawmakers support revival of claim

President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo urges officials and the public to separate territorial dispute from issue of Filipino deportees

13th Congress

HB 1973 – An act defining the archipelagic baselines of the Philippine archipelago to include the Kalayaan Island Group and to conform with the provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, amending for the purpose Republic Act No. 3046, as amended by Republic Act No. 5446.

Introduced by Hon. Antonio V. Cuenco[167]

HB 6087 – An act defining the archipelagic baselines of the Philippine archipelago, amending for the purpose Republic Act No. 3046, as amended by Republic Act No. 5446.

Introduced by the Hons. Antonio V. Cuenco, Edgardo M. Chatto, Carmen L. Cari, Jose G. Solis and Roilo S. Golez[168]

July 14-16, 2004

JCBC discusses Filipino workers in Sabah and proposes Philippines set up a consulate in Sabah.

The Malaysian side requested the Philippine side to establish a Consulate in Sabah as soon as possible. The Philippine side reiterated the government’s commitment on this matter.[169]

September 14, 2004

Executive Order No. 357, s.2004 The Bipartisan Executive-Legislative Advisory Council on the Sabah Issues was abolished and its functions transferred to DFA

September 2005

Group calling itself the “Royal Sultanate of Sulu Archipelago’s Supreme Council” warned Malaysian government not to entertain claims forwarded to it by so-called Sultan Rodinood Julaspi Kiram regarding the resolution of the North Borneo territorial issue.

April 27-28, 2006

Closing Statement of Malaysian Foreign Minister Dato’ Seri Syed Hamid Albar at the 6th Malaysia-PH Joint Commission Meeting

Malaysian Foreign Minister Dato’ Seri Syed Hamid Albar, in his closing statement during the 6th Malaysia-PH Joint Commission Meeting in Kuala Lumpur, asked Secretary Alberto G. Romulo to jointly “find ways to bring a final conclusion to the long due bilateral matters, namely the displaced people in Sabah and the setting up of the Philippine Consulate General in Kota Kinabalu.”[170]

June 3, 2006

Mohammad Fuad Abdulla Kiram I was proclaimed 35th Sultan of the Royal Hashimite Sultanate of Sulu and Sabah with a backing of the Moro National Liberation Front.

May 2007

Jamalul Kiram III runs unsuccessfully for Senator under Partido Demokratikong Sosyalista ng Pilipinas (PDSP) headed by Norberto Gonzalez, receiving over two million votes.

PDSP is in collision with President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s Lakas-CMD and KAMPI to form TEAM Unity. Administration coalition is crushed in the polls with only two of its bets winning, the other 10 seats are won by the opposition.

14th Congress

HB 1202[171]

Introduced by Hon. Antonio V. Cuenco

May 29, 2008

Nur Misuari called for the revival of North Borneo claim in Second Mindanao Leadership Summit attended by MNLF combatants

Strong reaction from Datuk Seri Panglima Yong Teck Lee, President of the Sabah Progressive Party urging Malaysia’s Federal Government to bring in military, set up consulates in Mindanao and invite PHL to set up consulate in Sabah

July 9, 2008

“Sultanate of Sulu” reportedly starts issuing birth certificates to Filipinos in Sabah

July 27, 2008

Datu Omar negotiator of Mohammad Jamal Al Alam heirs was quoted “obtained signatures of nine heirs relinquishing claims to Sabah” but these are denied by claimants

Uka Ulama claimed that nobody has the power to drop the claim because there is no more Sultan who reigns and rules over the territory.

August 10, 2008

Sulu provincial government tells Malaysia to Increase annual payment to Jamalul Kiram II to $500M[172]

August 20, 2008

President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo issues Memorandum Circular No. 162, s. 2008 or “Guidelines on matters pertaining to North Borneo (Sabah)”

No recognition of a foreign state’s sovereignty over North Borneo; any official activity relating to North Borneo carried out only with the clearance of or after consultations with DFA

March 10, 2009

President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo signs R.A. 9522, amending R.A. 5446

In fulfilment of the second Malaysian stipulation, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo removes mention of Sabah or North Borneo in the Archipelagic Baselines of the Philippines law

2010

Nur Misuari issued a statement calling the attention of Malaysia to settle the Sabah issue.[173]

June 2010

Sulu provincial board passed a resolution supporting the demand of heirs to increase the yearly payment to at least $500 Million. [174]

July 16, 2011

Supreme Court decision (GR No. 187167) upholds the baseline law

In its decision, the Supreme Court makes a conclusion of law: that R.A. 9522 did not repeal R.A. 5466, and that therefore, the Philippine claim over Sabah is retained and can be pursued. However, since this is a conclusion of law, the Supreme Court made its conclusion of law without explaining the reasons for its conclusion. It makes the decision, however, binding on the government.

April 24-27, 2012

Visit to the Philippines of Malaysian House Speaker Pandikar Amin Haji Mulia

Malaysian House Speaker Pandikar Amin Haji Mulia raised the matter of the opening of a consulate during his call on President Benigno S. Aquino III, who, in response, instructed the Secretary of Foreign Affairs to conduct a study on the prospects for opening a consulate.[175]

June 5, 2012

Upon returning from a visit to Malaysia, Vice-President Binay says he will recommend to the President the setting up of a Philippine Consulate in Sabah. (ABS-CBNNews.com)

February 12, 2013

Followers of Jamalul Kiram numbering over 200 men landed in Laha Datu village in Sabah on February 12, 2013.[176]

 


[1] Abinales, Patricio. “Re-constructing Colonial Philippines: 1900-1910.” 1900-2000: the Philippine Century. Manila: Philippines Free Press, 2001. p. 19. Print.

[2] Cesar Adib Majul: “Muslims in the Philippines,” 1999 edition

[4] Abinales, Patricio. “Re-constructing Colonial Philippines: 1900-1910.” 1900-2000: the Philippine Century. Manila: Philippines Free Press, 2001. p. 19. Print.

[5] Abinales, Patricio. “Re-constructing Colonial Philippines: 1900-1910.” 1900-2000: the Philippine Century. Manila: Philippines Free Press, 2001. p. 19. Print.; Ortiz, Pacifico . “Legal Aspects of the North Borneo Question.” Philippine Studies. 11.1 (1963): 18-64. Print.

[15] Treacher, W.H. . British Borneo: Sketches of Brunai, Sarawak, Labuan, and North Borneo. Singapore: Government Printing Department, 1891. Print.; Original Document: December 1878 Statement and Application of Debt of Dent and Overbeck to the Marquis of Salisbury

[16] Treacher, W.H. . British Borneo: Sketches of Brunai, Sarawak, Labuan, and North Borneo. Singapore: Government Printing Department, 1891. Print.; The Philippine claim to a portion of North Borneo: materials and documents.. Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines: Institute of International Legal Studies, University of the Philippines Law Center, 2003. Print.

[17] U.P. Law Center – The Philippine Claim to a portion of North Borneo (Sabah): Materials and Documents

[18] U.P. Law Center - The Philippine Claim to a portion of North Borneo (Sabah): Materials and Documents

[19] U.P. Law Center - The Philippine Claim to a portion of North Borneo (Sabah): Materials and Documents

[20] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print. ; Treacher, W.H. . British Borneo: Sketches of Brunai, Sarawak, Labuan, and North Borneo. Singapore: Government Printing Department, 1891. Print.

[21] Tarling, Nicholas. The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia (Volume Two, Part One). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Print.

[22] U.P. Law Center – The Philippine Claim to a portion of North Borneo (Sabah): Materials and Documents

[25] The Philippine claim to a portion of North Borneo: materials and documents.. Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines: Institute of International Legal Studies, University of the Philippines Law Center, 2003. Print.

[30] Tarling, Nicholas. The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia (Volume Two, Part One). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Print.

[32] Agoncillo, Teodoro A.. Malolos: the crisis of the Republic. Quezon City: University of the Philippines, 1960. Print.

[36] Letter of Diosdado Macapagal to Sen. Leticia Ramos-Shahani dated May 1, 1989

[37] Harrison, Francis Burton. The Cornerstone of Philippine Independence, A Narrative of Seven Years. 1922. Reprint. Michigan: UMI Books on Demand, 2002. Print

[38] Letter of Diosdado Macapagal to Sen. Leticia Ramos-Shahani dated May 1, 1989

[41] Fry, Howard T. “The Bacon Bill of 1926: New Light on an Exercise in Divide-and-Rule” Philippine Studies Journal. 1978; Churchill, Bernardita R. The Philippine Independence Missions to the United States 1919-1934 (1983 NHI)

[44] Harrison, Francis Burton. The Cornerstone of Philippine Independence, A Narrative of Seven Years. 1922. Reprint. Michigan: UMI Books on Demand, 2002. Print

[45] Philippine Magazine Volume XXXIV No.3 (March 1937)

[46] Philippine Magazine Volume XXXIV No.3 (March 1937)

[51] Original Document: Manuel L. Quezon letter to Executive Secretary Jorge Vargas

[52] Newspaper article: Sydney Morning Herald; Original Document: Harrison letter to Vice President Elpidio Quirino dated February 27, 1947

[53] United Press Article, 1940

[54] Tarling, Nicholas. The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia (Volume Two, Part Two). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Print.

[57] Macapagal, Diosdado. “A Stone for the Edifice, Memoirs of a President” (1968); Ortiz, Pacifico . “Legal Aspects of the North Borneo Question.” Philippine Studies. 11.1 (1963): P. 43. Print.

[61] Tarling, Nicholas. The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia (Volume Two, Part Two). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Print.

[62] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[63] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[64] Milton Walter Mayer. A Diplomatic History of the Philippine Republic: The First Years 1946-1961.

[65] Milton Walter Mayer. A Diplomatic History of the Philippine Republic: The First Years 1946-1961.

[66] Original Document: Federation of Malaya Act

[67] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[70] Fernandez, Erwin S., Philippine-Malaysia Dispute over Sabah: A Bibliographic Survey. Department of Filipino and Philippine Literature, University of the Philippines, Diliman, Vol.7 No. 2, December 2007

[71] Penubuhan Malaysia 16 September 1963.” Arkib Negara Malaysia. National Archives of Malaysia, n.d. Web.

[72] Penubuhan Malaysia 16 September 1963 – Arkib Negara Malaysia.” Laman Utama – Arkib Negara Malaysia. N.p., n.d. Web. 4 Mar. 2013. <http://www.arkib.gov.my/en/penubuhan_malaysia&gt;

[73] Penubuhan Malaysia 16 September 1963 – Arkib Negara Malaysia.” Laman Utama – Arkib Negara Malaysia. N.p., n.d. Web. 4 Mar. 2013. <http://www.arkib.gov.my/en/penubuhan_malaysia&gt;

[74] Penubuhan Malaysia 16 September 1963 – Arkib Negara Malaysia.” Laman Utama – Arkib Negara Malaysia. N.p., n.d. Web. 4 Mar. 2013. <http://www.arkib.gov.my/en/penubuhan_malaysia&gt;

[75] Penubuhan Malaysia 16 September 1963 – Arkib Negara Malaysia.” Laman Utama – Arkib Negara Malaysia. N.p., n.d. Web. 4 Mar. 2013. <http://www.arkib.gov.my/en/penubuhan_malaysia&gt;

[76] Stockwell, A. J., ed. Malaysia. London: Stationery Office, 2004. Print.

[77] Tan, Kevin. “International Law, History & Policy: Singapore in the Early Years.” Centre for International Law. National University of Singapore, 2011. Web. 4 Mar. 2013.

[78] Penubuhan Malaysia 16 September 1963 – Arkib Negara Malaysia.” Laman Utama – Arkib Negara Malaysia. N.p., n.d. Web. 4 Mar. 2013. <http://www.arkib.gov.my/en/penubuhan_malaysia&gt;

[79] Penubuhan Malaysia 16 September 1963 – Arkib Negara Malaysia.” Laman Utama – Arkib Negara Malaysia. N.p., n.d. Web. 4 Mar. 2013. <http://www.arkib.gov.my/en/penubuhan_malaysia&gt;

[80] Penubuhan Malaysia 16 September 1963 – Arkib Negara Malaysia.” Laman Utama – Arkib Negara Malaysia. N.p., n.d. Web. 4 Mar. 2013. <http://www.arkib.gov.my/en/penubuhan_malaysia&gt;

[81] Penubuhan Malaysia 16 September 1963 – Arkib Negara Malaysia.” Laman Utama – Arkib Negara Malaysia. N.p., n.d. Web. 4 Mar. 2013. <http://www.arkib.gov.my/en/penubuhan_malaysia&gt;

[82] “Penubuhan Malaysia 16 September 1963.” Arkib Negara Malaysia. National Archives of Malaysia, n.d. Web.

[83] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.; Ortiz, Pacifico . “Legal Aspects of the North Borneo Question.” Philippine Studies. 11.1 (1963): P. 20. Print.

[84] U.P. Law Center – The Philippine Claim to a portion of North Borneo (Sabah): Materials and Documents

[85] The Philippine claim to a portion of North Borneo: materials and documents.. Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines: Institute of International Legal Studies, University of the Philippines Law Center, 2003. Print.; DFA. “A Study on the Claim to North Borneo (Sabah).”

[86] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[87] The Philippine Claim to a portion of North Borneo: Materials and Documents; Macapagal, Diosdado. “A Stone for the Edifice, Memoirs of a President” (1968);

[88] Macapagal, Diosdado. “A Stone for the Edifice, Memoirs of a President” (1968);Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. (Print.)

[89] The Philippine Claim to a portion of North Borneo: Materials and Documents

[90] The Philippine claim to a portion of North Borneo: materials and documents.. Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines: Institute of International Legal Studies, University of the Philippines Law Center, 2003. Print.

[91] The Philippine claim to a portion of North Borneo: materials and documents.. Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines: Institute of International Legal Studies, University of the Philippines Law Center, 2003. Print.

[93] Ortiz, Pacifico . “Legal Aspects of the North Borneo Question.” Philippine Studies. 11.1 (1963): P. 21. Print. Print.; The Philippine claim to a portion of North Borneo: materials and documents.. Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines: Institute of International Legal Studies, University of the Philippines Law Center, 2003. Print.

[94] Macapagal, Diosdado. “A Stone for the Edifice, Memoirs of a President” (1968);

[95] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[96] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[97] The Philippine Claim to a portion of North Borneo: Materials and Documents..Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines: Institute of International Legal Studies, University of the Philippines Law Center, 2003. Print.

[98] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[99] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[100] Philippine Claim to Sabah (North Borneo) Vol. II

[103] Original Document: Joint Statement of the Philippines, Federation of Malaya, and Indonesia

[104] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[105] Stockwell, A. J.. Malaysia. London: Stationery Office, 2004. P. 225. Print.

[106] Ooi, Keat Gin. Southeast Asia: a historical encyclopedia, from Angkor Wat to East Timor. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 2004. P. 845. Print.

[107] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[108] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[109] Jose, Abueva, and de Guzaman Raul.Foundations and Dynamics of the Filipino Government and Politics. Quezon City: Bookmark, 1969. Print.

[110] Parpan S.J., Alfredo G. “The Philippine Claim on North Borneo: Another Look” Philippine Studies. (1988) Print.; Jose, Abueva, and de Guzaman Raul.Foundations and Dynamics of the Filipino Government and Politics. Quezon City:

[111] Severino, Rodolfo. Where in the World Is the Philippines?: Debating Its National Territory (2011). P. 54; Flores, Jeremia C. et. al. “The Legal Implications of the Unilateral Dropping of the Sabah Claim” Philippine Law Journal. (1982)

[112] Macapagal, Diosdado. “A Stone for the Edifice, Memoirs of a President” (1968);

[114] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[117] Flores, Jeremia C. et. al. “The Legal Implications of the Unilateral Dropping of the Sabah Claim” Philippine Law Journal. (1982)

[118] ASEAN Bangkok Declaration

[120] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[121] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[122] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[123] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.; Parpan S.J., Alfredo G. “The Philippine Claim on North Borneo: Another Look” Philippine Studies. (1988) Print.,

[124] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.; Parpan S.J., Alfredo G. “The Philippine Claim on North Borneo: Another Look” Philippine Studies. (1988) Print.,

[125] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.; Parpan S.J., Alfredo G. “The Philippine Claim on North Borneo: Another Look” Philippine Studies. (1988) Print.,

[126] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[128] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[129] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[130] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[131] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[132] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[133] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[134] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[135] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.; Severino, Rodolfo. Where in the World Is the Philippines?: Debating Its National Territory (2011). P. 54

[136] DFA

[137] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[138] DFA. “A Study on the Claim to North Borneo (Sabah).”

[139] DFA. “A Study on the Claim to North Borneo (Sabah).”

[140] DFA. “A Study on the Claim to North Borneo (Sabah).”

[141] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[142] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[143] DFA

[144] DFA. “A Study on the Claim to North Borneo (Sabah).”

[145] DFA. “A Study on the Claim to North Borneo (Sabah).”

[147] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[149] Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

[150] DFA. “A Study on the Claim to North Borneo (Sabah).”

[152] Agreed Minutes of the 1st PH-Malaysia Joint Commission for Bilateral Cooperation

[153] The Philippine Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) as declared under P.D. No. 1599 charts the exclusive economic zone to extend two hundred (200) nautical miles from the baselines which the breadth of the territorial sea is measured.

The act is focused more on the economic aspects of setting an exclusive economic zone and not territorial boundaries.

[154] Agreed Minutes of the 2nd PH-Malaysia Joint Commission for Bilateral Cooperation

[155] Severino, Rodolfo. Where in the World Is the Philippines?: Debating Its National Territory (2011)

[156] Agreed Minutes of the 3rd PH-Malaysia Joint Commission for Bilateral Cooperation (JCBC)

[157] Agreed Minutes of the 3rd PH-Malaysia Joint Commission for Bilateral Cooperation (JCBC)

[158] Rasul, Amina. “The Sabah Standoff” Businessworld. February 21, 2013

[159] An act defining the archipelagic baselines of the Philippine archipelago to include the Kalayaan Island Group and to conform with the provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, amending for the purpose Republic Act No. 3046, as amended by Republic Act No. 5446.

 

[160] Bill is exactly the same as HB 2973

[161] Agreed Minutes of the 4th Malaysia-PH Joint Commission for Bilateral Cooperation

[162] Rasul, Amina. “The Sabah Standoff” Businessworld. February 21, 2013

[163] DFA. “A Study on the Claim to North Borneo (Sabah).”

[164] Tordesillas, Ellen. “Ermita’s Sabah memo.” Malaya September 12, 2008

 

[165] Abinales, P. N., and Donna J. Amoroso. State and Society in the Philippines. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2005. Print.

[166] Rasul, Amina. “The Sabah Standoff” Businessworld. February 21, 2013

[167] Has exactly the same Explanatory Note as Lozada’s HB 2973 and HB 2031.

Section three cites Part IV of the 1982 UNCLO, absent in Lozada’s version.

Lists the geographical coordinates with the location basepoints of the archipelagic baselines of the Philippines with some alterations from Lozada’s version.

Section four cites Article 121 of the 1982 UNCLOS on the territorial sea and contiguous zone of the Scarborough Shoal, otherwise know as Panacot Shoal or Bajo de Masinloc.

Includes “Without Prejudice Clause” (Sec. 5) and tasks the National Mapping and Resource Information Authority (NAMRIA) to produce and publish charts and maps representing the delineation of maritime zones set forth in the act (Sec. 6).

Substituted by HB 6087

[168] Notes: Deletes Cuenco insertion in Section three.

Complies with the requirements if the UNCLOS.

Lists the geographical coordinates with the location basepoints of the archipelagic baselines of the Philippines following Cuenco’s HB 1973.

Proposes that the Kalayaan Island Group (KIG) be declared Regime of Islands under the UNCLOS and the Scarborough Shoal or Bajo de Masinloc be enclosed within the baselines of the main archipelago.

Provides a “No Prejudice Clause” on any claims to any contested portions of the national territory or maritime zones and jurisdictions of the country.

Provides, likewise, a “Vested Interest Rights Clause” for the recognition of existing and the enforcement of claims by local government unite to an extended continental shelf under the UNCLOS as well as on allotments and shares in the income generated from natural resources within the national territory by virtue of R.A. 7160 (Local Code of 1991, as amended) which are delineated prior to this proposed Act.

Tasks the National Mapping and Resource Information Authority (NAMRIA) to produce and publish charts and maps representing the delineation of maritime zones set forth in the act (Sec. 8)

[169] Agreed Minutes of the 5th PH-Malaysia Joint Commission Meeting

[170] OUSOC Memorandum dated 16 May 2012 on the Establishment of a Consulate in Sabah

[171] An act defining the archipelagic baselines of the Philippine archipelago, amending for the purpose Republic Act No. 3046, as amended by Republic Act No. 5446.

Note: Seeks to amend R.A. 3046 as amended by R.A. 5446 by drawing straight baselines on the outermost points of Scarborough Shoal and joining them with the baselines defined under R.A. 3046, as amended.

Lists the geographical coordinates with the location basepoints of the archipelagic baselines of the Philippines following HB 6087 (Cuenco, et al).

Includes the Kalayaan Island Group (KIG) as regime of islands, with some amendments to conform with the criteria set under Article 47 if the UNCLOS. (Sec. 4)

Seeks to establish new baseline laws of the Philippines to serve as basis from which to draw the 12-mile territorial sea, the 24-mile contiguous zone and the 200 mile Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), as provided under UNCLOS.

Provides “Without Prejudice Clause” (Sec. 5) and “Vested Rights” (Sec. 6).

Tasks the National Mapping and Resource Information Authority (NAMRIA) to produce and publish charts and maps representing the delineation of maritime zones set forth in the act (Sec. 8).

Seeks appropriations to carry out the provisions of the act, either through a supplemental budget or inclusion in the General Appropriations Act.

Substituted by HB 3216

[172] DFA

[173] Rasul, Amina. “The Sabah Standoff” Businessworld. February 21, 2013

[174] Rasul, Amina. “The Sabah Standoff” Businessworld. February 21, 2013

[175] ASPAC Memorandum dated May 17, 2012, on the Establishment of a Consulate in Sabah

[176] Lapeña, Carmela G. “Timeline: The centuries-old tug-of-war over Sabah” GMA. February 18, 2013.

Works Cited

Books

Abinales, P. N., and Donna J. Amoroso. State and Society in the Philippines. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2005. Print.

Abinales, Patricio. “Re-constructing Colonial Philippines: 1900-1910.” 1900-2000: the Philippine Century. Manila: Philippines Free Press, 2001. p. 19. Print.

Abueva, Jose, and de Guzman, Raul. Foundations and Dynamics of the Filipino Government and Politics. Quezon City: Bookmark, 1969. Print.

Agoncillo, Teodoro A.. Malolos: the crisis of the Republic. Quezon City: University of the Philippines, 1960. Print.

Aruego, Jose M. . The Framing of the Philippine Constitution. Manila: University Publishing Co., Inc., 1936. Print.

Bernas, Joaquin G.. The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines: A Commentary. 2003 ed. Manila, Philippines: Published & distributed by Rex Book Store, 2003. Print.

Churchill, Bernardita Reyes. The Philippine independence missions to the United States, 1919-1934. Manila, Philippines: National Historical Institute, 1983. Print.

Harrison, Francis Burton . Origins of the Philippine Public: Extracts from the Diaries and Records of Francis Burton Harrison. Michigan: UMI Books on Demand, 2002. Print.

Harrison, Francis Burton. The Cornerstone of Philippine Independence, A Narrative of Seven Years. 1922. Reprint. Michigan: UMI Books on Demand, 2002. Print.

Hayden, Joseph Ralston. The Philippines: a Study in National Development. 1942 ed. New York: Arno Press, 1972. Print.

Institute, Foreign Service . Diplomatic Agenda of Philippine Presidents 1946-1985. Manila: Foreign Service Institute, 1985. Print.

Macapagal, Diosdado. A Stone for the Edifice, Memoirs of a President. Quezon City: Mac Publishing House, 1968. Print.

Majul, Cesar Adib. Muslims in the Philippines. 1973. Reprint. Quezon City: Published for the Asian Center by the University of the Philippines Press, 1999. Print.

McKenna, Thomas M.. Muslim Rulers and Rebels: Everyday Politics and Armed Separatism in the Southern Philippines. 1998. Reprint. Manila: Anvil Publishing, 2002. Print.

Printing, Bureau of. Messages of the President, Volume 2 Part 2. Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1937. Print.

Reynolds, Quentin James, and Geoffrey Bocca. Macapagal, The Incorruptible. New York: D. McKay Co., 1965. Print.

Severino, Rodolfo. Where in the World Is the Philippines?: Debating Its National Territory. Manila: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2011. Print.

Tarling, Nicholas. The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia (Volume Two, Part Two). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Print.

Tarling, Nicholas. The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia (Volume Two, Part One). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Print.

Tarling, Nicholas. The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia (Volume One, Part Two). Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Print.

The Philippine claim to a portion of North Borneo: materials and documents. Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines: Institute of International Legal Studies, University of the Philippines Law Center, 2003. Print.

Tolentino, Arturo M. Voice of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Pub. House, 1990. Print.

Treacher, W.H. . British Borneo: Sketches of Brunai, Sarawak, Labuan, and North Borneo. Singapore: Government Printing Department, 1891. Print.

Journals

Bautista, Lowell. “The Historical Context and Legal Basis of the Philippine Treaty Limits.” Asian-Pacific Law & Policy Journal 10.no.1 (2008): n. .pag. Social Science Research Network. Web. 21 Feb. 2013.

Fry, Howard T.. “The Bacon Bill of 1926: New Light on an Exercise in Divide-and-Rule.” Philippine Studies 26.no.3 (1978). Print.

Ortiz, Pacifico . “Legal Aspects of the North Borneo Question.” Philippine Studies 11.1 (1963): 18-64. Print.

Flores, Jeremia C., Clarencia S. Reyes, and Rodolfo C. Sabio. “The Legal Implications of the Unilateral Dropping of the Sabah Claim.” Philippine Law Journal 57.1 (1982): 78-103. Print.

Newspapers

Rasul, Amina. “The Sabah Standoff.” Business World [Manila] 21 Feb. 2013: n. pag. Business World Online. Web. 21 Feb. 2013.

Sydney Morning Herald. “Philippines May Lay Claim to British Colony.” Sydney Morning Herald 18 July 1946: 3. Print.

The Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser. “Moro Princess Renounces Her Land Claims.” The Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser 24 Apr. 1940: 4. Print.

The Sunday Times. “School Teacher Proclaimed Sultan.” The Sunday Times [Singapore] 20 Dec. 1936: p.18. National Library Singapore. Web. 21 Feb. 2013.

ZamboTimes . “Sovereignty over Sabah, the real reigning Sultan: Sultan Rodinood – ZamboTimes.” ZamboTimes . N.p., 16 Sept. 2009. Web. 22 Feb. 2013. <http://www.zambotimes.com/archives/14682-Sovereignty-over-Sabah,-the-real-reigning-Sultan-Sultan-Rodinood.html&gt;.

Websites

British North Borneo. “British Borneo Treaties.” Lawnet. N.p., n.d. Web. 21 Feb. 2013. <www.lawnet.sabah.gov.my/Lawnet/SabahLaws/Treaties/GrantBySultanOfSuluOfTerritoriesAndLandsOnTheMainlandOfTheIslandOfBorneo.pdf>.

“Hadji Rodinood M. Sultan Julaspi Kiram – reigning 29th Sultan of Sulu.” Sovereign Sulu. N.p., n.d. Web. 23 Feb. 2013. <sovereignsulu.webs.com/>.

“History of the Royal House of Sulu.” Official website of the Royal House of Sulu. N.p., 20 Dec. 1936. Web. 22 Feb. 2013. <http://www.royalsultanateofsulu.org/#!history&gt;.

Quezon III, Manuel L. “Repulsion and Colonization”. Manuel L. Quezon III . N.p., n.d. Web. 22 Feb. 2013. <http://www.quezon.ph/1996/07/28/repulsion-and-colonization/&gt;.

Quezon III, Manuel L. “The perils of partition .” Manuel L. Quezon III . N.p., 11 Aug. 2008. Web. 22 Feb. 2013. <http://www.quezon.ph/2008/08/11/the-perils-of-partition/&gt;.

Quezon III, Manuel L.”Greater Malaysia.” Manuel L. Quezon III. N.p., 15 Aug. 2008. Web. 22 Feb. 2013. <http://www.quezon.ph/2008/08/15/greater-malaysia/&gt;.

Sauler, Erika. “Royal Sultan Sulu & Sabah.” Tropical Paradise of North Borneo Sabah. N.p., n.d. Web. 22 Feb. 2013. <http://www.sandakan.com/sultansabah/sultansabah.html&gt;.

Sidayu, Agung. “Governor of Sulu Philippines recognized HM Sultan Fuad A Kiram I | PRLog.” Free Press Release Distribution Service. N.p., n.d. Web. 22 Feb. 2013. <http://www.prlog.org/11664281-governor-of-sulu-philippines-recognized-hm-sultan-fuad-kiram.html&gt;.

“Short History of the Sulu Sultanate.” Sovereign Sulu. N.p., n.d. Web. 21 Feb. 2013. <sovereignsulu.webs.com/Short%20History-Sulu%20Sultanate.pdf>.

Letters/ Memoranda

Quezon, Manuel Luis. Powers of the Commissioner of Mindanao and Sulu. Letter to Hon. Apolonio D. Curato, 28 July 1936.

Quezon, Manuel Luis. Administration of Affairs in Mindanao. Memorandum for the Secretary of the Interior, 20 September 1937.

Vargas, Jorge B. Three-Point Policy for Mindanao and Sulu. Letter to Hon. Ombra Amilbangsa, 8 October 1937.

Macapagal, Diosdado. Letter of Diosdado Macapagal to Sen. Leticia Ramos-Shahani. 1 May 1989.

Speeches

Quezon, Manuel L.“Development of Mindanao.” Visit of the National Assembly to Lanao. Camp Keithley, Lanao. 6 June 1936. Speech.

Ramos, Narciso. “Philippine Policy Statement in the United Nations: Philippines Brings the Sabah Dispute to the U.N.” United Nations General Assembly, 23rd Session. Department of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of the Philippines. New York, New York. 15 Oct. 1968. Speech.

Salonga, Jovito R.. “A Point-by-Point Reply to the Sumulong Report on the Philippine Claim to North Borneo.” Anglo-Philippine Talks . Legal Committee of the Philippine Delegation to the Anglo-Philippine Talks. London, London. 30 Mar. 1963. Speech.

Tolentino, Arturo M.. “The Philippines Challenges Malaysia to Bring the Sabah Issue to the World Court.” 23rd Plenary Session of the United Nations General Assembly. Philippine Delegation to the United Nations. New York, New York. 25 Oct. 1968. Speech.

Government Sources

Foreign Service Institute. The North Borneo Claim: Options for the Philippines. Meeting of the Informal Working Group on Sabah: Center for International Relations and Strategic Studies, 2008. Print.

The Republic of the Philippines. A Study on the Claim to North Borneo (Sabah). 20 March 2012. Print.

Maglana, Constancio. Sabah is Philippines. Manila: The Bureau of Printing, 1968. Print.

Medvedev, Datu Sadja Michael Y. . “History of the Royal House of Sulu.” Official website of the Royal House of Sulu. N.p., 20 Dec. 1936. Web. 22 Feb. 2013. <http://www.royalsultanateofsulu.org/#!history&gt;.

Printing, Bureau of . Philippine Claim to North Borneo, Volume II. Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1967. Print.

Printing, Bureau of. Philippine Claim to North Borneo. Manila: Bureau of Printing , Volume i, 1963. Print.

 

 

 

 

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Sabah Claim is Non-Negotiable

Posted by AhlussuluK on August 1, 2012

SABAH CLAIM IS NON-NEGOTIABLE

By : JEFFRI RADIUS

WHY did the Malaysian Government still holding back the series of proposals to set up a Philippines Consulate Office in Kota Kinabalu to look after the welfares of the Filipinos in Sabah since the dawn of independence?

The precise and simple answer: our government is still giving ‘careful consideration’ to the proposal for certain reasons, which constitutes inter alia ‘Manila continuing insistence to claim its right on Sabah is delaying the process of setting up a Philippine Consulate in the State’.

With reference to a number of published literatures and thesis compiled by several researchers, historians including Filipinos scholars that the Philippines formally claimed Sabah based on the Sultanate of Sulu heirs’ historical sovereignty of the territory, which was granted as a token of appreciation by the Sultan of Brunei for helping the later to fight against piracy infesting within the Northern Borneo territory.

The scholars have come up with a number of arguments, collectively gathered as a results of their research works conducted over the decades, documented and published as source of academic and legal references and journals worldwide. The free encyclopedia from Wikipedia provides a detailed summary of the North Borneo dispute including the Philippines Claim on Sabah.

By virtue of the research notes compiled by Erwin S Fernandez, Department of Filipino and Philippines Literature, University of the Philippines, Diliman, published by The Asia–Pacific Social Science Review : Volume 7 Number 1 , December 2007with the topic “Philippine–Malaysia Dispute over Sabah : A Bibliographical Survey, descriptively elaborated lengthy details about the topics inclusive.

a) Macapagal : Establishing the Philippines Claim, whereby President Diosdado Macapagal “was forced to initiate the filing of the claim of Sabah in 1962, because Sabah was` being considered as a member of the proposed concept of Malaysia broached by Prime Minister Tengku Abdul Rahman on May 27, 1961 in Singapore. After the London Talks, the United Kingdom agreed to relinquish its sovereignty and jurisdiction over Singapore, Sarawak and North Borneo in favour of the creation ofthe Federation of Malaysia.

After the conduct and results of the United Nations Malaysia Mission were known, The Federation of Malaysia was `established on Sept 16, 1963 instead of the scheduled August 31, 1963. Macapagal expressed reservation on the results of UN Mission and refused to recognise the government of Malaysia in the belief that it would prejudice the Philippines claim to North Borneo.”

b) Marcos : Fomenting and Managing a crisis-When President Ferdinand Marcos assumed the reins of government, relations with Malaysia was still unstable and unsecured. It was only in June 1966 that both governments planned to raise their own consulates to embassies and issued a communiqué. In March 1968, the Marcos Administration faced a critical point of the Philippines Claim and the possible breakdown of Philippines–Malaysia relations when the “Jabidah Massacre “controversy was exposed, whereby Moros had been recruited for a plan to stage a rebellion and eventual occupation of Sabah under the code name Project Merdeka, which led to the Bangkok Talks from June 17–July 15, 1968 between representatives of both countries in question. However, the talks ended in failure and further worsened the diplomatic relations between the two countries, when the Philippines Congress passed a law in Sept 1968 known as Republic Act No: 5446, which categorically stated that “this act is without prejudice to the delineation of the baselines of the territorial sea around the territory of Sabah, situated in North Borneo over which the Republic of the Philippines has acquired dominion and sovereignty (Noble, 1977 p.181) diplomatic ties between the two countries were severed and only a year later in Dec 1969 did the Philippines and Malaysia resume diplomatic relations.

c) Contesting Legal Claims Two non–Filipinos namely Malaysian Mohammed bin Dato Ariff, the author of The Philippines Claim to Sabah, its historical, Legal and Political Implications (1970) discussed extensively the legal issues surrounding the claims, whereby the author provided the basis for the integration of Sabah to Malaysia and cited the principle of self-determination, the Sabahans having already expressed their desire to remain in the Federation, while S. Jayaratnam the Vice Dean of the Faculty of Law, University of Singapore, was `of the opinion that the Philippines case “is weak and tenuous (25 Nov 1969 :10 ) Following the study ofMohammed bin Dato Ariff, Jayakumar also invoked the idea of effective occupation on the part of Great Britain of Sabah since 1878 which granted the British North Borneo Company a chartered of corporate character. The author contended that “the Philippines Claim is at most, an abstract or inchoate one based on historically derivatives rights of the heirs of the Sultan of Sulu (Ibid) Neither the Philippines nor the heir of the Sultan have exercised sovereignty or been in effective occupation of Sabah since 1878.

The Philippine formally presented its claim only in 1962 United Kindom was the State, which had effective occupation until 16 Sept 1963, when Sabah became part of Malaysia in accordance with the wishes of the people (as determine by the UN Secretary General) “Malaysia, for purposes, of International Law, is now the State in “effective occupation” and exercising sovereignty over Sabah (Ibid).

d) The Claim and its relation to foreign policy

e ) Outsiders’ view (or mainly the British side of the question) e) A bibliography and compilations and a series of reference etc .

The foot note of this journal reads “The Deed of 1878 refers to the agreement dated January 22 between the Sultan of Sulu Jamalul Azam and Baron Gustavus Von Overbeck leasing the Sultan’s dominions in North Borneo in exchange of five thousand Malaysian Dollars as annual rent with William Treacher, British Governor of Labuan as witness.

This was Cesar Adib Majul’s estimate in his book “Muslim in the Philippines (1999) in contrast to the 1704 date proposed by K.G Tregonning in his book “Under Chartered Company Rule (1958) later published in 1975 as “A History of Modern Sabah 1881–1946.

The North Borneo Cession Order of 1946 laid the basis for the transfer of sovereignty and dominion from British North Borneo Company to the British Crown which stated that “with effect from the fifteenth day of July 1946, to the extend that the Crown should, as from that day full sovereign rights over, and title to, the territory of the State of North Borneo and that said territory should hereupon become part of her Majesty’s Dominions“.

The partial list of the documents` are as follows :

1 ) Letter of Earl of Derby to Lord Odo Russell denying Spanish claim of sovereigntyover Sulu January 17, 1876.

2) Protocol of Sulu 1877

3) Letter of Acing Consul General Treacher to the Earl of Derby dated January 2, 1878

4) Contrato de Arrendo de Sandacan en Borneo con el Baron de Overbeck January 4, 1878

5) Interpretation of the Moro Language of Mindanao translation of the previous communication in Arabic Transcripts of the contract which His Eminence the Sultan of Jolo executed with Baron de Overback January 1878,

6) Translation by Professor Conklin of the Deed of 1878 in Arabic Characters found by Mr Quintero in Washington , D.C January 22 , 1878 ,

7) “Commission from the Sultan of Sulu appointing Baron de Overback Datu Bandahara and Rajah of Sandakan obtained by Mr Quintero in Washington, January 22, 1878.

8) Report of Acting Consul General W.H Treacher to the Earl of Derby January 12, 1878.

9) Letter dated July 4, 1878 from the Sultan of Sulu to the Governor Caption General of the Philippines denying that Sandakan was ceded to Overbeck.

10 ) Letter dated July 22,1878 from the Sultan of Sulu to the Governor of Sulu stating that he will cancel the lease of Sandakan and 23 more documents.

K.G Tregonning, former Raffles Professor of History in the University of Singapore, the author of A History of Modern Sabah 1881–1963 (1965) first published as Under Chartered Company Rule (1958) The position of the Author regarding thePhilippines on Sabah can be summarised as follows :

1) The agreement between the Sulu Sultan and Dent and Overbeck was one of a cession and not a lease.

2) Several treaties and International Conventions had excluded North Borneo from the territory of the Philippines either during the Spanish or American period. “The question of whether it was a cession or perpetual lease (whatever that is) seemed a stupid word game“ (1965 :245) The Manila Convention of 1885, The Treaty of Paris of 1998 and the US–UK Boundary Convention of 1930 and at the same time noted the acquiescence to these of the Philippines Constitution.

The full text of the conclusion reads “It may be that the Philippines has been flogging a dead horse and Malaysia has been hesitant to bury the carcass, while Sabah has had to bear the stench. Since the grant is one in perpetuity, it can either continue in force or as the real alternative, the annual payment of 5,300 could be compounded and paid in a lump sum.

A settlement of this nature should be done confidentially by diplomacy and mutual trust. Once the compounded sum is agreed upon by all parties concerned, a joint statement could be made, the Sulu Sultan‘s heirs duly compensated and the Philippines and Malaysia could move on to more natural political, social, economic and cultural cooperation“ (1972 : 25).

Another interesting Thesis written by Filipino Scholar Ruben G. Domingo, for his Master of Science in Resource Planning and Management for International Defence Degree at Philippine Military Academy entitled “The Muslim Secessionist Movement in The Philippines issues and prospects (1995) reads “The Sultan of Brunei who originally ruled Sabah ceded it to the Sultan of Sulu in 1704 as a reward for helping suppress an uprising in his domain. In 1878, the Sultan’s successor Jamalul Azam leased the territory to William Cowie and Baron von Overbeck for 5,000 Malaysian Dollars.

Overbeck was then the Austrian consul at Hong Kong and former local manager of the British opium firm of Dent and Company. Whether the terms of the deal were, that Sabah was ceded or leased, would become the bone of contention between Malaysia and the Philippines. Soon after the agreement, the British North Borneo was formed and awarded a royal charter.

A treaty signed in 1930 by the United States and the British Crown circumscribed the future territorial jurisdiction of the soon to be established Philippines Republic. This treaty DID NOT INCLUDE SABAH within the boundaries of Spanish, American or Philippines jurisdiction. Then six days after the Philippines was granted independence, the British North Borneo Company turned all its rights and obligations to the British Government, which in turn asserted full sovereign rights over Sabah through the North Borneo Cession Order.

The first official Philippines act on Sabah issue was the adoption House Resolution No: 42 on April 28th, 1950. It states explicitly that North Borneo belonged to the heirs of the Sultan of Sulu. It also authorised the President to conduct negotiations for the restoration of sovereignty jurisdiction over the territory.

In the negotiations, the British rejected the Philippines position in view of the overriding need to for the Federation of Malaysia. When the Philippines institutionalised its claim through the enactment of the Republic Act incorporating Sabah as part of the Philippines, the Malaysians suspended diplomatic ties, which was only restored on Dec 16, 1969 in time for the third ministerial conference of the Association of South Asian Nations”

In the forth coming East Asian Summit to highlight a zone of friendship and freedom involving Asean countries and China, Russia and the United States of America, the Philippines Government planned to submit a proposal highlighting that the country would claim any asset or territory belonging to them and the disputed claim on Sabah be negotiated.

In addition, It is more likely that the Philippines would assert its sovereignty over specific maritime territories in line Republic Act 9522, signed three years ago by former President Gloria Arroyo Macapagal to reaffirm the republic‘s sovereignty over the more than 7,100 islands in its archipelago including part of Spratly Islands and Scarborough Shoal.

The Spratlys is believed to be rich in oil, gas and fish, comprising about 100 barren islets, reefs and atolls, sitting along important sea lanes in the South China Sea, Vietnam, China, Taiwan , the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei each claim all or part of the low-lying islands.

Foreign Affairs Minister Datuk Seri Anifah Aman, who was quoted as saying following his recent meeting in Manila that “the Sabah Claim issue is non negotiable”. In fact we are almost fed up with the Philippines problems in Sabah as they do not have a consulate here. I have clearly explained to the Philippines Government about our stand on their claim on Sabah, I said the issue is not our problem (but) actually their (Philippines) problem and believes that certain quarters among the Philippines official are stoking the claim despite Malaysia’s firm stand on the issue ” (The Daily Express Sunday January 22 , 2012)

We are proud to have an elected Sabah representative who is fully aware and understands his roles and responsibilities upon being appointed to lead the ministry in question comparable to his predecessors at the Federal level. This contribution is made specifically for the good of the State and Country especially as far as the Sabah Claim issue is concerned.

In summary, the final Green Light to set up the Philippines Consulate in the State would only be made feasibly once a bilateral understanding has been reached by the involving parties. The question now is how soon can we find the remedy or convincing solutions capable of burying the Sabah Claim issue once and for all?

How effective would the establishment of a Filipino diplomatic mission in helping the Malaysian authorities solving the controversial long stand issue of illegal immigrants hailing from the Southern Philippines in particular, when similar category of aliens are also found in massive numbers from other neighbouring country (Indonesia) despite the existence of its consulate in the State‘s capital?

The positive outcome has yet to be extensively gauged and justified when it comes to reality upon full scale implementation. If they could not act as the catalyst to the current social stigma infesting the State, but they help to soften the blow at the initial stage is considered suffice as an effective remedy that works on the long run.

Retrospectively, It is still fresh in the minds of every living Malaysian in Sabah to ponder upon the following significant occasions,

a) In Oct 1998, former Governor of the Autonomous Regions of Mindanao (ARMM) cum the Chairman of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) Prof Nur Misuari visited Peninsular Malaysia and Sabah bringing the message on the status quo of the Southern Philippines, which according to Misuari “is more peaceful now”.

He planned to take back an estimated 300,000 Filipinos from Sabah as their resources would be required to rebuild the southern region. Paradoxically, Misuari’s noble intention did not materialise due to certain unknown reasons, other wise his role would have help to reduce our authorities ’burden 14 years ago, thus partly solving the alien growing problems in the State from accumulating to the present statistics estimated to be in the range of over a couple of millions.

b) Our Government’s previous effort to deport Filipinos illegal immigrants back to their country of origin was kept on hold to a standstill during the crux of President Gloria Arroyo Administration, when she refused to accept them back with excuses that they did not have documents to prove their national identities as Filipinos, although it was very obvious that those illegal immigrants hailed from the Southern Philippines judging from the accent of their home native dialects, behaviours and characteristic etc.

The setting up of the Philippines Consulate in Sabah would therefore be necessary and would help a lot to solve cases of similar nature in the future.

Hence, we leave it to the wisdom of our government and the relevant ministry in question to search and formulate a long term solutions affecting the parties involved for the sake of Social, Economic and Political Cooperation within the Region of ASEAN member countries.

- Sabahkini

http://www.negarakita.com/Post-347117-SABAH+CLAIM+ISSUE+IS+NON+NEGOTIABLE.

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Convention on the Status of Stateless Persons

Posted by AhlussuluK on January 4, 2012

Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons
Adopted on 28 September 1954 by a Conference of Plenipotentiaries
convened by Economic and Social Council resolution 526 A (XVII) of 26 April 1954
Entry into force: 6 June 1960, in accordance with article 39

Preamble

The High Contracting Parties,

Considering that the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights approved on 10 December 1948 by the General Assembly of the United Nations have affirmed the principle that human beings shall enjoy fundamental rights and freedoms without discrimination,

Considering that the United Nations has, on various occasions, manifested its profound concern for stateless persons and endeavored to assure stateless persons the widest possible exercise of these fundamental rights and freedoms,

Considering that only those stateless persons who are also refugees are covered by the Convention relating to the Status of Refugees of 28 July 1951, and that there are many stateless persons who are not covered by that Convention,

Considering that it is desirable to regulate and improve the status of stateless persons by an international agreement, Have agreed as follows:
Chapter I
GENERAL PROVISIONS

Article 1. – Definition of the term “stateless person”

1. For the purpose of this Convention, the term “stateless person” means a person who is not considered as a national by any State under the operation of its law.

2. This Convention shall not apply:

(i) To persons who are at present receiving from organs or agencies of the United Nations other than the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees protection or assistance so long as they are receiving such protection or assistance;

(ii) To persons who are recognized by the competent authorities of the country in which they have taken residence as having the rights and obligations which are attached to the possession of the nationality of that country;

(iii) To persons with respect to whom there are serious reasons for considering that:

( a ) They have committed a crime against peace, a war crime, or a crime against humanity, as defined in the international instruments drawn up to make provisions in respect of such crimes;

( b ) They have committed a serious non-political crime outside the country of their residence prior to their admission to that country;

( c ) They have been guilty of acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.

Article 2. – General obligations

Every stateless person has duties to the country in which he finds himself, which require in particular that he conform to its laws and regulations as well as to measures taken for the maintenance of public order.

Article 3. – Non-discrimination

The Contracting States shall apply the provisions of this Convention to stateless persons without discrimination as to race, religion or country of origin.
Article 4. – Religion

The Contracting States shall accord to stateless persons within their territories treatment at least as favourable as that accorded to their nationals with respect to freedom to practise their religion and freedom as regards the religious education of their children.

Article 5. – Rights granted apart from this Convention

Nothing in this Convention shall be deemed to impair any rights and benefits granted by a Contracting State to stateless persons apart from this Convention.

Article 6. – The term “in the same circumstances”

For the purpose of this Convention, the term “in the same circumstances” implies that any requirements (including requirements as to length and conditions of sojourn or residence) which the particular individual would have to fulfil for the enjoyment of the right in question, if he were not a stateless person, must be fulfilled by him, with the exception of requirements which by their nature a stateless person is incapable of fulfilling.

Article 7. – Exemption from reciprocity

1. Except where this Convention contains more favourable provisions, a Contracting State shall accord to stateless persons the same treatment as is accorded to aliens generally.

2. After a period of three years’ residence, all stateless persons shall enjoy exemption from legislative reciprocity in the territory of the Contracting States.

3. Each Contracting State shall continue to accord to stateless persons the rights and benefits to which they were already entitled, in the absence of reciprocity, at the date of entry into force of this Convention for that State.

4. The Contracting States shall consider favourably the possibility of according to stateless persons, in the absence of reciprocity, rights and benefits beyond those to which they are entitled according to paragraphs 2 and 3, and to extending exemption from reciprocity to stateless persons who do not fulfil the conditions provided for in paragraphs 2 and 3.

5. The provisions of paragraphs 2 and 3 apply both to the rights and benefits referred to in articles 13, 18, 19, 21 and 22 of this Convention and to rights and benefits for which this Convention does not provide.

Article 8. – Exemption from exceptional measures

With regard to exceptional measures which may be taken against the person, property or interests of nationals or former nationals of a foreign State, the Contracting States shall not apply such measures to a stateless person solely on account of his having previously possessed the nationality of the foreign State in question. Contracting States which, under their legislation, are prevented from applying the general principle expressed in this article shall, in appropriate cases, grant exemptions in favour of such stateless persons.

Article 9. – Provisional measures

Nothing in this Convention shall prevent a Contracting State, in time of war or other grave and exceptional circumstances, from taking provisionally measures which it considers to be essential to the national security in the case of a particular person, pending a determination by the Contracting State that that person is in fact a stateless person and that the continuance of such measures is necessary in his case in the interests of national security.

Article 10. – Continuity of residence

1. Where a stateless person has been forcibly displaced during the Second World War and removed to the territory of a Contracting State, and is resident there, the period of such enforced sojourn shall be considered to have been lawful residence within that territory.

2. Where a stateless person has been forcibly displaced during the Second World War from the territory of a Contracting State and has, prior to the date of entry into force of this Convention, returned there for the purpose of taking up residence, the period of residence before and after such enforced displacement shall be regarded as one uninterrupted period for any purposes for which uninterrupted residence is required.

Article 11. – Stateless seamen

In the case of stateless persons regularly serving as crew members on board a ship flying the flag of a Contracting State, that State shall give sympathetic consideration to their establishment on its territory and the issue of travel documents to them or their temporary admission to its territory particularly with a view to facilitating their establishment in another country.

Chapter II
JURIDICAL STATUS

Article 12. – Personal status

1. The personal status of a stateless person shall be governed by the law of the country of his domicile or, if he has no domicile, by the law of the country of his residence.

2. Rights previously acquired by a stateless person and dependent on personal status, more particularly rights attaching to marriage, shall be respected by a Contracting State, subject to compliance, if this be necessary, with the formalities required by the law of that State, provided that the right in question is one which would have been recognized by the law of that State had he not become stateless.

Article 13. – Movable and immovable property

The Contracting States shall accord to a stateless person treatment as favourable as possible and, in any event, not less favourable than that accorded to aliens generally in the same circumstances, as regards the acquisition of movable and immovable property and other rights pertaining thereto, and to leases and other contracts relating to movable and immovable property.

Article 14. – Artistic rights and industrial property

In respect of the protection of industrial property, such as inventions, designs or models, trade marks, trade names, and of rights in literary, artistic and scientific works, a stateless person shall be accorded in the country in which he has his habitual residence the same protection as is accorded to nationals of that country. In the territory of any other Contracting State, he shall be accorded the same protection as is accorded in that territory to nationals of the country in which he has his habitual residence.

Article 15. – Right of association

As regards non-political and non-profit-making associations and trade unions the Contracting States shall accord to stateless persons lawfully staying in their territory treatment as favourable as possible, and in any event, not less favourable than that accorded to aliens generally in the same circumstances.

Article 16. – Access to courts

1. A stateless person shall have free access to the courts of law on the territory of all Contracting States.

2. A stateless person shall enjoy in the Contracting State in which he has his habitual residence the same treatment as a national in matters pertaining to access to the courts, including legal assistance and exemption from cautio judicatum solvi .

3. A stateless person shall be accorded in the matters referred to in paragraph 2 in countries other than that in which he has his habitual residence the treatment granted to a national of the country of his habitual residence.

Chapter III
GAINFUL EMPLOYMENT

Article 17. – Wage-earning employment

1. The Contracting States shall accord to stateless persons lawfully staying in their territory treatment as favourable as possible and, in any event, not less favourable that that accorded to aliens generally in the same circumstances, as regards the right to engage in wage- earning employment.

2. The Contracting States shall give sympathetic consideration to assimilating the rights of all stateless persons with regard to wage- earning employment to those of nationals, and in particular of those stateless persons who have entered their territory pursuant to programmes of labour recruitment or under immigration schemes.

Article 18. – Self-employment

The Contracting States shall accord to a stateless person lawfully in their territory treatment as favourable as possible and, in any event, not less favourable than that accorded to aliens generally in the same circumstances, as regards the right to engage on his own account in agriculture, industry, handicrafts and commerce and to establish commercial and industrial companies.

Article 19. – Liberal professions

Each Contracting State shall accord to stateless persons lawfully staying in their territory who hold diplomas recognized by the competent authorities of that State, and who are desirous of practising a liberal profession, treatment as favourable as possible and, in any event, not less favourable than that accorded to aliens generally in the same circumstances.

Chapter IV
WELFARE

Article 20. – Rationing

Where a rationing system exists, which applies to the population at large and regulates the general distribution of products in short supply, stateless persons shall be accorded the same treatment as nationals.

Article 21. – Housing

As regards housing, the Contracting States, in so far as the matter is regulated by laws or regulations or is subject to the control of public authorities, shall accord to stateless persons lawfully staying in their territory treatment as favourable as possible and, in any event, not less favourable than that accorded to aliens generally in the same circumstances.

Article 22. – Public education

1. The Contracting States shall accord to stateless persons the same treatment as is accorded to nationals with respect to elementary education.

2. The Contracting States shall accord to stateless persons treatment as favourable as possible and, in any event, not less favourable than that accorded to aliens generally in the same circumstances, with respect to education other than elementary education and, in particular, as regards access to studies, the recognition of foreign school certificates, diplomas and degrees, the remission of fees and charges and the award of scholarships.

Article 23. – Public relief

The Contracting States shall accord to stateless persons lawfully staying in their territory the same treatment with respect to public relief and assistance as is accorded to their nationals.

Article 24. – Labour legislation and social security

1. The Contracting States shall accord to stateless persons lawfully staying in their territory the same treatment as is accorded to nationals in respect of the following matters:

( a ) In so far as such matters are governed by laws or regulations or are subject to the control of administrative authorities; remuneration, including family allowances where these form part of remuneration, hours of work, overtime arrangements, holidays with pay, restrictions on work, minimum age of employment, apprenticeship and training, women’s work and the work of young persons, and the enjoyment of the benefits of collective bargaining;

( b ) Social security (legal provisions in respect of employment injury, occupational diseases, maternity, sickness, disability, old age, death, unemployment, family responsibilities and any other contingency which, according to national laws or regulations, is covered by a social security scheme), subject to the following limitations:

(i) There may be appropriate arrangements for the maintenance of acquired rights and rights in course of acquisition;

(ii) National laws or regulations of the country of residence may prescribe special arrangements concerning benefits or portions of benefits which are payable wholly out of public funds, and concerning allowances paid to persons who do not fulfil the contribution conditions prescribed for the award of a normal pension.

2. The right to compensation for the death of a stateless person resulting from employment injury or from occupational disease shall not be affected by the fact that the residence of the beneficiary is outside the territory of the Contracting State.

3. The Contracting States shall extend to stateless persons the benefits of agreements concluded between them, or which may be concluded between them in the future, concerning the maintenance of acquired rights and rights in the process of acquisition in regard to social security, subject only to the conditions which apply to nationals of the States signatory to the agreements in question.

4. The Contracting States will give sympathetic consideration to extending to stateless persons so far as possible the benefits of similar agreements which may at any time be in force between such Contracting States and non-contracting States.

Chapter V
ADMINISTRATIVE MEASURES

Article 25. – Administrative assistance

1. When the exercise of a right by a stateless person would normally require the assistance of authorities of a foreign country to whom he cannot have recourse, the Contracting State in whose territory he is residing shall arrange that such assistance be afforded to him by their own authorities.

2. The authority or authorities mentioned in paragraph 1 shall deliver or cause to be delivered under their supervision to stateless persons such documents or certifications as would normally be delivered to aliens by or through their national authorities.

3. Documents or certifications so delivered shall stand in the stead of the official instruments delivered to aliens by or through their national authorities and shall be given credence in the absence of proof to the contrary.

4. Subject to such exceptional treatment as may be granted to indigent persons, fees may be charged for the services mentioned herein, but such fees shall be moderate and commensurate with those charged to nationals for similar services.

5. The provisions of this article shall be without prejudice to articles 27 and 28.

Article 26. – Freedom of movement

Each Contracting State shall accord to stateless persons lawfully in its territory the right to choose their place of residence and to move freely within its territory, subject to any regulations applicable to aliens generally in the same circumstances.

Article 27. – Identity papers

The Contracting States shall issue identity papers to any stateless person in their territory who does not possess a valid travel document.

Article 28. – Travel documents

The Contracting States shall issue to stateless persons lawfully staying in their territory travel documents for the purpose of travel outside their territory, unless compelling reasons of national security or public order otherwise require, and the provisions of the schedule to this Convention shall apply with respect to such documents. The Contracting States may issue such a travel document to any other stateless person in their territory; they shall in particular give sympathetic consideration to the issue of such a travel document to stateless persons in their territory who are unable to obtain a travel document from the country of their lawful residence.

Article 29. – Fiscal charges

1. The Contracting States shall not impose upon stateless persons duties, charges or taxes, of any description whatsoever, other or higher than those which are or may be levied on their nationals in similar situations.

2. Nothing in the above paragraph shall prevent the application to stateless persons of the laws and regulations concerning charges in respect of the issue to aliens of administrative documents including identity papers.

Article 30. – Transfer of assets

1. A Contracting State shall, in conformity with its laws and regulations, permit stateless persons to transfer assets which they have brought into its territory, to another country where they have been admitted for the purposes of resettlement.

2. A Contracting State shall give sympathetic consideration to the application of stateless persons for permission to transfer assets wherever they may be and which are necessary for their resettlement in another country to which they have been admitted.

Article 31. – Expulsion

1. The Contracting States shall not expel a stateless person lawfully in their territory save on grounds of national security or public order.

2. The expulsion of such a stateless person shall be only in pursuance of a decision reached in accordance with due process of law. Except where compelling reasons of national security otherwise require, the stateless person shall be allowed to submit evidence to clear himself, and to appeal to and be represented for the purpose before competent
authority or a person or persons specially designated by the competent authority.

3. The Contracting States shall allow such a stateless person a reasonable period within which to seek legal admission into another country. The Contracting States reserve the right to apply during that period such internal measures as they may deem necessary.

Article 32. – Naturalization

The Contracting States shall as far as possible facilitate the assimilation and naturalization of stateless persons. They shall in particular make every effort to expedite naturalization proceedings and to reduce as far as possible the charges and costs of such proceedings.

Chapter VI
FINAL CLAUSES

Article 33. – Information on national legislation

The Contracting States shall communicate to the Secretary-General of the United Nations the laws and regulations which they may adopt to ensure the application of this Convention.

Article 34. – Settlement of disputes

Any dispute between Parties to this Convention relating to its interpretation or application, which cannot be settled by other means, shall be referred to the International Court of Justice at the request of any one of the parties to the dispute.

Article 35. – Signature, ratification and accession

1. This Convention shall be open for signature at the Headquarters of the United Nations until 31 December 1955.

2. It shall be open for signature on behalf of:

( a ) Any State Member of the United Nations;

( b ) Any other State invited to attend the United Nations Conference on the Status of Stateless Persons; and

( c ) Any State to which an invitation to sign or to accede may be addressed by the General Assembly of the United Nations.

3. It shall be ratified and the instruments of ratification shall be deposited with the Secretary-General of the United Nations.

4. It shall be open for accession by the States referred to in paragraph 2 of this article. Accession shall be effected by the
deposit of an instrument of accession with the Secretary-General of the United Nations.

Article 36. – Territorial application clause

1. Any State may, at the time of signature, ratification or accession, declare that this Convention shall extend to all or any of the territories for the international relations of which it is responsible. Such a declaration shall take effect when the Convention enters into force for the State concerned.

2. At any time thereafter any such extension shall be made by notification addressed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations and shall take effect as from the ninetieth day after the day of receipt by the Secretary-General of the United Nations of this notification, or as from the date of entry into force of the Convention for the State concerned, whichever is the later.

3. With respect to those territories to which this Convention is not extended at the time of signature, ratification or accession, each State concerned shall consider the possibility of taking the necessary steps in order to extend the application of this Convention to such territories, subject, where necessary for constitutional reasons, to the consent of the Governments of such territories.

Article 37. – Federal clause

In the case of a Federal or non-unitary State, the following provisions shall apply

( a ) With respect to those articles of this Convention that come within the legislative jurisdiction of the federal legislative
authority, the obligations of the Federal Government shall to this extent be the same as those of Parties which are not Federal States;

( b ) With respect to those articles of this Convention that come within the legislative jurisdiction of constituent States, provinces or cantons which are not, under the constitutional system of the Federation, bound to take legislative action, the Federal Government shall bring such articles with a favourable recommendation to the notice of the appropriate authorities of States, provinces or cantons at the earliest possible moment;

( c ) A Federal State Party to this Convention shall, at the request of any other Contracting State transmitted through the Secretary- General of the United Nations, supply a statement of the law and practice of the Federation and its constituent units in regard to any particular provision of the Convention showing the extent to which effect has been given to that provision by legislative or other action.

Article 38. – Reservations

1. At the time of signature, ratification or accession, any State may make reservations to articles of the Convention other than to articles 1, 3, 4, 16 (1) and 33 to 42 inclusive.

2. Any State making a reservation in accordance with paragraph 1 of this article may at any time withdraw the reservation by a communication to that effect addressed to the Secretary-General of the
United Nations.

Article 39. – Entry into force

1. This Convention shall come into force on the ninetieth day following the day of deposit of the sixth instrument of ratification or accession.

2. For each State ratifying or acceding to the Convention after the deposit of the sixth instrument of ratification or accession, the shall enter into force on the ninetieth day following the date of deposit by such State of its instrument of ratification or accession.

Article 40. – Denunciation

1. Any Contracting State may denounce this Convention at any time by a notification addressed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations.

2. Such denunciation shall take effect for the Contracting State concerned one year from the date upon which it is received by the Secretary-General of the United Nations.

3. Any State which has made a declaration or notification under article 36 may, at any time thereafter, by a notification to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, declare that the Convention shall cease to extend to such territory one year after the date of receipt of the notification by the Secretary-General.

Article 41. – Revision

1. Any Contracting State may request revision of this Convention at any time by a notification addressed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations.

2. The General Assembly of the United Nations shall recommend the steps, if any, to be taken in respect of such request.

Article 42. – Notifications by the Secretary-General of the United Nations

The Secretary-General of the United Nations shall inform all Members of the United Nations and non-member States referred to in article 35:

( a ) Of signatures, ratifications and accessions in accordance with article 35;

( b ) Of declarations and notifications in accordance with article 36;

( c ) Of reservations and withdrawals in accordance with article 38;

( d ) Of the date on which this Convention will come into force in accordance with article 39;

( e ) Of denunciations and notifications in accordance with article 40;

( f ) Of request for revision in accordance with article 41.

In faith whereof the undersigned, duly authorized, have signed this Convention on behalf of their respective Governments.

Done at New York, this twenty-eighth day of September, one thousand nine hundred and fifty-four, in a single copy, of which the English, French and Spanish texts are equally authentic and which shall remain deposited in the archives of the United Nations, and certified true copies of which shall be delivered to all Members of the United Nations and to the non-member States referred to in article 35.

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Wikileaks: Filipinos ‘troublesome’ in Sabah

Posted by AhlussuluK on August 18, 2011

MANILA, Philippines – Migrant Filipinos are synonymous with the word trouble in Malaysia’s Sabah state, according to a confidential cable from the US embassy in Kuala Lumpur that was released by WikiLeaks on Wednesday.

Masidi Manjun, Sabah’s Minister of Youth and Sports, told US diplomats in Malaysia that his state was “flooded with foreigners” and “singled out Filipino Muslims from Mindanao as ‘especially troublesome.’”

Manjun claimed that the Filipinos were “using our [Malaysia's] social services and not integrating into society,” and that “vagrancy and violence” were rampant within Sabah’s Filipino community, according to the diplomatic cable dated October 10, 2006 that was deemed classified by US embassy political section chief Mark D. Clark.

The Sabah official, who headed government-funded think tank Institute of Development Studies, said the state’s maritime and land borders are “very porous” and expressed concern that Sabah’s foreign residents were starting to become politically active.

“He acknowledged, however, the economic importance of Sabah’s foreign population,” the US embassy cable said. “With regard to Sabah’s large number of illegal foreign workers, estimated to total over 750,000,  Manjun said, ‘We need them here, or our economy would collapse.”

Sabah’s then Acting Police Commissioner, Mohd Bakri Zinin, also told American officials that “illegal migrants and other foreigners” account for about three-fourths of violent crimes committed in the state.

The embassy cable also quoted a state assemblyman, Samson Chin Chee Tsu, who said Filipinos and Indonesians outnumber Malaysians 3 to 1 along Sabah’s east coast.

“He (Samson) and his wife recently refused to attend an event that gathered public and private sector leaders on the resort island of Mabul, off the east coast of Sabah, as he feared an attack on the gathering by Mindanao-based Muslim extremists,” it added.

Simon Sipaun,then vice-chairman and state head of the Malaysian human rights commission Sukaham, also told US officials that the large number of Filipinos on the state’s east coast represented a potential security threat “if they decide to become more politically active, or if parts of Mindanao become more autonomous.”

click the link below to read more:

http://www.abs-cbnnews.com/-depth/08/17/11/wikileaks-cable-filipinos-troublesome-sabah

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The Philippine Claim to North Borneo: A Statement of Facts

Posted by AhlussuluK on August 20, 2010

Note: This article was first published in Manila Times, Manila Chronicle, Philippines Free Press – May, 1962.

The Philippine Claim to North Borneo: A Statement of Facts By Senator Jovito Salonga
THE NORTH BORNEO QUESTION

There is ample justification, I believe, for the statement that emotionalism has beclouded and confused the North Borneo question. There are Filipinos who summarily adopt the my-country-right-or-wrong attitude; in specific terms, they tell us, “Let us have North Borneo by all means,” little realizing that by such a hasty, imprudent posture they render no little disservice to the very cause they propose to champion.

At the other end of the line are the faint-hearted souls who cherish a host of vague, nameless fears, and who have not stopped imagining the catastrophic, nuclear wars into which the Philippines would be drawn should it so much as attempt to press the claim to North Borneo, regardless of the merit or validity of such a claim. Responsible quarters confess to no little measure of amusement over the unrestrained enthusiasm, on the one hand, of home-grown nationalists in supporting claims — without adequate study of their validity — of sister countries in Asia over territories held by Western powers, and their unconcealed dread, on the other hand, in espousing a claim — without the slightest inquiry into its possible merit — over a portion of the globe’s surface which may belong as a matter of law and equity to Filipinos.

A good number of friends have asked me to deliver what they call an “impassioned speech” on the question, but I had felt that the time was not ripe and that the whole issue should be studied in an atmosphere of dispassion and restraint. I felt and still feel that the restoration of prudence and sobriety in the conduct of our foreign policy is a matter of cardinal importance. In the language of one world statesman, foreign policy is not only what we do, but how we do it.

If the Philippine claim to North Borneo is valid, we should — despite our standing as a young, physically weak nation — institute and press the claim in accordance with the accepted peaceful modes of settlement prescribed by international law and procedure. If, despite the assumed knowledge of the validity and justice of the Philippine claim, we fold our arms in mortal fear, we should lose not merely the respect of all law-abiding nations (the United Kingdom and the Asian countries in particular), but also a considerable measure of self-respect — which, to my mind, is more important — and, by our own inaction and timidity, lose our faith in the ultimate validity of that which is right and just.

If, on the other hand, we come to the conclusion that the Philippine claim is without basis, then we should say so and let the British Government know our stand. Such candor and probity will undoubtedly inspire the respect of the entire free world.

It is partly because of the well known regard of the British Government for the rule of law, and partly because of our deep-seated respect for the British institutions of law and order, that I have requested the Department of Foreign Affairs to make a careful, thoroughgoing study of the question and, if morally convinced of the merit of the Philippine claim, to institute and prosecute this claim through all peaceful processes, including diplomatic negotiations, good offices, commission of inquiry, arbitration, or resort to the International Court of Justice.

There need be no fear of breach of amicable relations between the United Kingdom and the Philippines. Both are members in good standing of the United Nations; both are committed to the rule of law and to the necessity of maintaining a society of free men. On the other hand, the peaceful solution of the North Borneo question may well be a distinct Anglo-Philippine contribution, so sorely needed at a time such as this, where instead of a precarious equilibrium of terror as a temporary stabilizing factor in international relations, there should emerge more instances of healthy respect for law and for more voluntary arrangements among nations so that the moral force of right may be made to prevail over the right of might.

Friendly countries will therefore understand why the Filipinos view with deep concern any move on the part of the United Kingdom, in advance of the institution of such a claim, to render academic the North Borneo question through extra-legal means. For instance, a dispatch from Kuala Lumpur. Malaya, published in the New York Times issue of February 7, 1962. states and I quote:

“KUALA LUMPUR, Malaya, Feb. 6. — A political merger under a strong central government has been recommended by the Malaysian Solidarity Committee.

”The five-state merger would create a federation of Malaya, Singapore Island — which is linked to Malaya by a three-quarter mile causeway — and the Northern Borneo territories of Sarawak, Brunei and British North Borneo.

“A British and Malayan commission, headed by Lord Cobbold, former Governor of the Bank of England, is due to arrive in Borneo soon to inquire into public opinion in Sarawak and British North Borneo concerning the merger. Both are crown colonies. Brunei is a British protectorate, and its Government will deal directly with the Federation of Malaya and with London.”

One may well inquire: — why this plan of a merger at a time such as this? At any rate, and without considering such a development, let us consider the facts.

1 . There is no controversy regarding one historical fact: namely, that in 1850, the Sultan of Brunei, in gratitude for the aid he received during war from the Sultan of Sulu, ceded North Borneo to the latter.

II. In January, 1878, the Sultan of Sulu entered into an agreement with two representatives of a private British company, namely, Gustavus Baron de Overbeck and Alfred Dent. It is at this point where controversy arises.

There are, to be sure, several versions of the agreement and quite a number of translations of said agreement. One group of heirs of the Sultan of Sulu submitted a certified translation of a Spanish text of the agreement, dated January 4, 1878, which in turn is a translation of the original in Arabic. Under this document, the Sultan of Sulu merely concluded a contract of lease with Baron de Overbeck and Alfred Dent, and granted to Mr. Overbeck the title of “Datto Padajara Rajah de Sandakan” as long as he might live, with the right to levy taxes on the said land, exploit its ores, forest products and animals, administer justice and collect dues and taxes from the traders of said towns.

There are also in the files of the Department of Foreign Affairs several English translations (Conklin translation; Saleeby translation on the “History of Sulu” pp. 225-233; Decision of High Court of Borneo citing translation in “Treaties and Engagements affecting the Malay States,” by Maxwell and Gibson), which invariably use the terms “lease,’ “cede” and “grant.”

On the other hand, a document purporting to be the British text of the agreement, kept in the files of the British North Borneo Company in London, would seem to show that the Sultan of Sulu ceded and granted to Overbeck and Dent on January 22, 1878,

“all the rights and powers belonging to me over all the territories and lands being tributary to us on the mainland on the Island of Borneo”

in consideration of a yearly compensation of 5,000 dollars, together “with all other powers and rights usually exercised by and belonging to Sovereign Rulers, and which we hereby delegate to him of our own free and sovereign will.”

III. On November 1, 1881, the British Government granted a Charter to the British North Borneo Company which, after a recital of the terms of agreement between the Sultan of Sulu and the two representatives of the Company, empowered the Company to acquire full benefit of the said “grant” and “benefits.” Accordingly, Baron de Overbeck and Alfred Dent turned over their rights to the British North Borneo Company, which continued paying the stipulated 5,000 Malayan dollars.

IV. In 1915, Governor Frank Carpenter, head of the Mindanao and Sulu division of the Philippine Government, defined the stand of the United States vis-a-vis the Sultan’s temporal and ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the territories of the Sultanate beyond American jurisdiction, particularly those in North Borneo. He stated and I quote:

“It is necessary, however, that there be clearly of official record the fact that the termination of the temporal sovereignty of the Sultanate of Sulu within the American territory is understood to be wholly without prejudice or effect as to the temporal sovereignty and ecclesiastical authority of the Sultanate beyond the territorial jurisdiction of the U.S. Government, especially with reference to that portion of the Island of Borneo which as a dependency of the Sultanate of Sulu is understood to be held under lease by the chartered company (known) as the British North Borneo Company.”

V. In 1939. a group of heirs of the Sultan filed suit in the court of North Borneo against the Government of North Borneo and the British North Borneo Company for the recovery of the stipulated annual payments. Both defendants admitted their obligation to pay, the only issue being — in view of reported dispute among the heirs — to whom payment was to be made. The High Court of the State of North Borneo, through Chief Justice Macaskie, rendered judgment in favor of the heirs on December 18, 1939.

Crucial Question:

VI. On July 10, 1946, six days after the Philippines became independent, the British Government, by virtue of an alleged agreement between the Secretary of State for the colonies and the British North Borneo Company dated June 6, 1946 — whereby the Company “have transferred and ceded all the said rights, powers and interests to the Crown with effect from the 15th day of July, 1946, to the intent that the Crown should, as from that day, have full sovereign rights over, and title to, the territory of the State of North Borneo, and that the said territory, should thereupon become part of His Majesty’s dominions” — announced, by what is now known as the “North Borneo Cession Order,” that from the 15th day of July, 1946, “the State of North Borneo shall be annexed to and shall form part of His Majesty’s dominions and shall be called, together with the Settlement of Labuan and its dependencies, the Colony of North Borneo.”

VII. On February 26, 1947, former Governor General Francis Burton Harrison (as Special Adviser on Foreign Affairs to the Philippine Government), in a special report to the President of the Philippines, considered this an act of political aggression, “which should be promptly repudiated by the Government,” since it was done by the British Government “unilaterally and without special notice to the Sultanate of Sulu nor consideration of their legal rights.” He added:

“The proposal to lay the case before the United Nations should bring the whole matter before the bar of public opinion.

“Never in history has there been given any people such an opportunity to secure justice by an appeal to the enlightened conscience of mankind.”

VIII. In 1957, the heirs of the Sultan of Sulu issued a proclamation declaring the termination of the lease contract over the territory in question effective January 22, 1958. This declaration was served on the British Government. Since then, the heirs have made claims upon the British Government for the return of the territory, but their claims have been disregarded.

The crucial question, then, is one of ownership: Is ownership vested in the United Kingdom? Does the Philippines have any right to claim North Borneo?

In discussing this, I have taken careful note of the statements of the highest British officials and considered the views of English authorities on international law. In this way, we avoid pointless controversy since the British Government cannot possibly dispute, under the principle of estoppel, its own official stand. There may be a lot of wrangling over what is the authentic version of the agreement of 1878, but there can be no debate on the official British stand on that agreement.

At the time the agreement was entered into in 1878, the British North Borneo Company had no legal personality whatever. It was incorporated by Royal Charter only on November 1, 1881. It is important to note this, since admittedly in 1878, North Borneo was not under the territorial supremacy of any member of the Family of Nations.

Overbeck and Dent, therefore, acquired rights over North Borneo merely as private individuals and no more. Their purported acquisition of territory and “sovereignty” was therefore beyond the pale of International Law. Did the incorporation by Royal Charter of the British North Borneo Company in 1881 create a trading company with sovereign rights — even from the English viewpoint — over North Borneo?

This was the very bone of contention between the Spanish and Dutch Governments, on the one hand, and the British Government, on the other, soon after the Royal Charter was granted the British North Borneo Co. It is a matter of record that the British Government had declared that it did not intend to acquire sovereign rights in North Borneo. But the Spanish and Dutch Governments protested that such a declaration was inconsistent with the grant of a Royal Charter to the British North Borneo Company, “invested with sovereign rights by the Native Chiefs of North Borneo, and subject, as regards the exercise of these rights, to the Supreme authority of Her Britannic Majesty’s Government.”

The British Foreign Minister, Lord Earl Granville, in a correspondence to the British Minister at Madrid, Mr. Morier (No. 197), dated January 7, 1882, recapitulated “the circumstances under which Her Majesty’s Government acceded to the application of the Company for Incorporation by Royal Charter,” drew attention “to the special character of that Charter,” and explained “its legal effect.” Lord Granville said the British North Borneo Company was in fact established under three Charters: (1) the Charter and territorial concession from the Sultan of Sulu; (2) the Charter and territorial concession from the Sultan of Brunei; and (3) the British Charter of incorporation. Note the following significant passages from Lord Granville’s correspondence:

“The first two Charters, from the Sultans of Sulu and Brunei, are those under which the Company derive their title to the possession of the territories in question, and their authority to administer the government of those territories by delegation from the Sultans.

“The third Charter is the British Charter under which the Company have obtained incorporation and a recognition of her Majesty’s Government of their title to the territories granted. In return for incorporation by Royal Charter, and for the recognition of the Concessions, the Company have surrendered to Her Majesty’s Government various powers of control over their proceedings which, though of a negative character only, are sufficient for the prevention by Her Majesty’s Government of any abuse in the exercise of the authority conferred by the Sultans. It is important to bear in mind that no such control would have been reserved to the Crown had the Company taker, incorporation in the usual manner by registration under the Companies Acts, and elected to follow their own course independently of Government support.

“The British Charter therefore differs essentially from the previous Charters granted to the East India Company, the New Zealand Company, and other Associations of that character, in the fact that the Crown in the present case assumes no dominion or sovereignty over the territories occupied by the Company, nor does it purport to grant to the Company any powers of Government thereover; it merely confers upon the persons associated the status and incidents of a body corporate, and recognizes the grants of territory and the powers of government made and delegated by the Sultans in whom the sovereignty remains vested. It differs also from previous Charters, in that it prohibits instead of granting a general monopoly of trade.”

In thus differentiating the status of the British North Borneo Company, Lord Granville stated that “after very careful consideration of all the circumstances of the case Her Majesty’s Government decided that the Charter should be granted, and you will perceive from an examination of its provisions that its effect is to restrict and curtail the powers of the Company and not to create or enlarge them.”

In similarly repudiating the Dutch contention, Lord Granville stated that the territories “will be administered by the Company under the sovereignly of the Sultans of Brunei and Sulu, to whom they have agreed to pay a yearly tribute,” and that “the British Government assumes no sovereign rights whatever in Borneo.”

Much the same disclaimer was sounded by the famous Prime Minister, William Ewart Gladstone. Speaking in the House of Commons, he acknowledged that the “remarkable powers” obtained by the British North Borneo Company involved the “essence of sovereignty” but they were “covered by the Suzereignty of the Native Chief.” He declared that no greater obligation rested upon the Government to protect the Company than “to protect any other subject who might be in pursuit of objects not unlawful.”

These authoritative statements show, in brief:

1 . that Overbeck and Dent were not authorized by the British Government to acquire and administer North Borneo; they merely acted in their private individual capacity.

2. that the British North Borneo Company was not invested by the British Government with the public power of acquisition and administration of North Borneo, unlike the different trading companies chartered at the time.

3. that the British Government assumed no rights of sovereignty whatever in North Borneo; and

4. that the British Government explicitly acknowledged the sovereignty and title of the Sultan of Sulu over North Borneo.

Significance:

The classic British text on International Law, a Treatise on International Law by Oppenheim (7th edition, edited by Lauterpacht, 1948), gives us the significance in International Law of the above facts. Oppenheim states that where an individual or a corporation acquires land in countries which are not under the territorial supremacy of a member of the Family of Nations, such acquisition of territory and sovereignty thereon “takes place outside the dominion of the Law of Nations, and the rules of this law, therefore, cannot be applied,” unless the “corporation in question is invested by its State with public power of acquisition and administration.” (Volume I, sec. 209 (2), p. 496). He adds:

“If the individual or corporation which has made the acquisition requires protection by the Law of Nations, he or it must either declare a new State to be in existence and ask for its recognition by the Powers, as in the case of the former Congo Free State, or must ask a member of the Family of Nations to acknowledge the acquisition as having been made on its behalf.” (Id., at 496, 497.)

It is obvious that the British North Borneo Company, as the successor in interest of Overbeck and Dent, has not declared a new State to be in existence in North Borneo; and it is equally obvious that the British Government has refused to acknowledge, at least until 1946, the acquisition by Overbeck and Dent, and latterly, the British North Borneo Company, as having been made in its behalf.

What, then, is the significance in International Law, of the British Cession Order of July 15, 1946, which states in part:

“And whereas by an Agreement dated the twenty-sixth day of June, 1946, and made between His Majesty’s Secretary of State for the Colonies on behalf of His Majesty (therein and hereinafter referred to as ‘the Crown’) of the one part and the Company of the other part the Company (amongst other things) have transferred and ceded all the said rights, powers, and interests to the Crown with effect from the fifteenth day of July, 1946, to the intent that the Crown should, as from that day, have full sovereign rights over, and title to, the territory of the State of North Borneo, and that the said territory should thereupon become part of His Majesty’s dominions;

“Now, therefore, His Majesty is pleased, by and with the advice of His Privy Council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, as follows:

“1. This Order may be cited as the North Borneo Cession Order in Council, 1946, and shall come into operation on the fifteenth of July, 1946;

“2. As from the fifteenth day of July, 1946, the State of North Borneo shall be annexed to and shall form part of His Majesty’s dominion and shall be called, together with the Settlement of Labuan and its dependencies, the Colony of North Borneo;

“3. All persons who on the fifteenth day of July, 1946, are citizens of the State of North Borneo by virtue of the provisions of the North Borneo Naturalization Ordinance, 1931, shall, on that day, become British subjects;

“4. His Majesty hereby reserves to Himself, His Heirs and Successors, power to revoke, alter and to amend this Order.”

Note that the Cession Order is convenient in its vagueness as to the exact nature and scope of the rights and interests of the British North Borneo Company. How could it be otherwise in the light of the categorical disclaimers made by Lord Granville and Prime Minister William Gladstone?

Could the British North Borneo Company purport to transfer sovereignty over North Borneo to the Crown? Certainly not. The British Government had made it crystal clear that the Company did not have that power, and that sovereignty remained with the Sultan of Sulu. All that was transferred, in the very carefully worded Cession Order, was the mass of “interests, powers and rights” previously acquired by the British North Borneo Company.

In other words, the assertion of sovereignty over North Borneo by the Crown, effective July, 1946, under its own Cession Order, repudiated and set aside all the solemn Government declarations made by its highest officials; more than that, it threw overboard the sovereignty and title of the Sultan of Sulu which it had acknowledged in the past and completely disregarded the proprietary rights of the heirs of the Sultan over North Borneo. It was, to borrow the language of former Governor General Francis Burton Harrison, “an act of political aggression which should be promptly repudiated by the Government.”

I shall not, at this juncture, belabor the point so ably expounded by the Philippines Free Press writer, Mr. Napoleon Rama, namely, that the agreement of 1878 was just a contract of lease, not a contract of cession. The statements of Lord Granville and Prime Minister Gladstone three years after the contract was concluded, the contemporaneous official communications to and from the Minister of State in Madrid, the yearly tribute of 5,000 dollars to the Sultan of Sulu, and the terms of the “Cession Order of 1946″ amply show that no cession was contemplated or ever perfected. A lease arrangement which, according to language scholars, is the English translation of the Malayan word, “padjak,” would seem to be the only other explanation. At any rate in International Law, individuals do not and cannot enter into treaties of cession (whereby sovereignty is acquired) with native tribal chiefs: these are outside the realm of the Law of Nations.

Modes:

It is probable that the British Government, to justify its new stand, will fall back on one of two modes of territorial acquisition in International Law; namely, occupation and prescription.

Occupation is an original mode of territorial acquisition, and is effected through possession and administration of the territory by or in behalf of the acquiring State. The prime object of settlement by occupation is the incorporation of unappropriated territory into the national domain of the acquiring State. Only such territory as is not within the dominion of any State may be the object of occupation. In other words, the territory must be res nullius or terra nullius. The term res nullius, as has been interpreted, does not require that the territory be uninhabited, but that it be not already occupied by a people or State whose political organization is such as to cause its prior rights of occupancy to be recognized.

We must concede that in the past European powers did not recognize the title of settled peoples whose civilization was allegedly below the European standard. The emergence of non-European powers, and the growing importance of new nations in the Afro-Asian bloc, have eroded away this concept. At any rate, insofar as the British Government is concerned, it is precluded from claiming that the Sultan of Sulu had a title or a political organization below the European standard. All we need to do is to refer back to the text, of Lord Granville’s correspondence. Note the last paragraph in his letter to Morier, the British minister at Madrid, portions of which were quoted earlier:

“As regards the general features of the undertaking, it is to be observed that the territories granted to the Company have been for generations under the government of the Sultans of Sulu and Brunei, with whom Great Britain has had treaties of Peace and Commerce. . .”

It would be passing strange now for the British Government to contend that the Sultan of Sulu did not possess either a perfect title or a political organization below European standards, at least insofar as North Borneo is concerned. In the Law of Nations, states the British authority, Oppenheim, the conclusion of a bilateral treaty, such as a treaty of commerce and navigation, implies recognition (Op. cit., Section 75 (cl) p. 143).

THE NORTH BORNEO QUESTION

But this is not all. The important thing is that the Cession Order of 1946, annexing as it does the Territory of North Borneo and incorporating it as part of His Majesty’s dominions, ran counter to and violated:

(1 ) the official declarations of the British Government as to the legal nature and effect of the Agreement of 1878;

(2) the Treaty of Peace and Commerce entered into between Great Britain and the Sultan of Sulu;

(3) the title and rights of dominion which the Sultan of Sulu, on the strength of British admissions, had over North Borneo.

Oppenheim is authority for the proposition that while it is true that States may acquire new territorial or other rights by unilateral acts, such an annexation, without recognition on the part of third States being required for their validity, yet the position is different when “the act alleged to be creative of a new right is in violation of … conventional International Law. In such cases the act in question is tainted with invalidity and incapable of producing legal rights beneficial to the wrongdoer in the form of a new title or otherwise.” (Op. cit., Sec. 75 (b), at p. 136).

Prescription. — Prescription has been defined as the acquisition of territory by an adverse holding continued through a long term of years. The generally accepted concept of prescription in International Law apparently requires the existence of two essential facts, namely: continuous and undisturbed possession, and lapse of a period of time. Hugo Grotius, the father of International Law, laid down the rule that the adverse holding should go “beyond the memory of man. Vattel maintained that possession may ripen into title only after the lapse of a “considerable number of years ” Insofar as the present question is concerned, there may not be sufficient warrant for saying that the British possession was adverse, considering the yearly tributes they have paid to the Sultan of Sulu and his heirs. Their possession from 1946 up to this date, in the light of the continuous protests of the heirs and the termination of the lease, has not been uninterrupted and cannot possibly ripen into a title.

I have heard it said that the Philippine claim may not prosper because of Article 1 of the Philippine Constitution defining the National Territory. Article I provides:

“Section 1. The Philippines comprise all the territory ceded to the United States by the Treaty of Paris concluded between the United States and Spain on the tenth day of December, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight, the limits of which are set forth in Article III of said Treaty, together with all the islands embraced in the treaty concluded at Washington, between the United States and Spain on the seventh day of November, nineteen hundred, and in the treaty concluded between the United States and Great Britain on the second day of January, nineteen hundred and thirty, and all territory over which the present Government of the Philippine Islands exercises jurisdiction.”

I feel that those who argue along this line confuse the concept of national domain with proprietary rights of Filipino citizens over a portion of the earth’s surface. The Philippine Government is now called upon to defend and vindicate those rights, and if, as I know, appropriate arrangements have been made by the heirs of the Sultan of Sulu, with the Philippine Government, there should be no apprehension whatever that this claim will provide undue incentives for mere speculators. In other words, Article I has no applicability whatever to this kind of a claim. In the remote possibility that Article I is made to apply, there is ample room for protection in the saving clause found in said article, in the light of authoritative pronouncements of British officials. We need not even consider the thesis that in 1935, when the Philippine Constitution was adopted by the Filipino people, the Philippines was not an independent State but a mere dependency, and that therefore the restrictive provisions of Article I could not possibly tie the hands of the Republic as soon as independence became a reality.

There is something pathetic in the fact that it took an American official, the former Governor General Francis Burton Harrison, to assess the full import of the Cession Order of 1946. In a special report he submitted on September 26, 1946 in his capacity as Special Adviser on Foreign Affairs to the Philippine Government, he called the Cession Order by its proper name — “an act of political aggression.”

It would seem equally pathetic that some home-grown nationalists have counseled the Government to pursue a policy of fear and inaction.

In 1946, the voice of Harrison sounded like a cry in the wilderness. In 1962, that voice has gained volume and is no longer alone. Just a few days ago, the House of Representatives unanimously passed a resolution requesting the President to take all the necessary steps consistent with international law and procedure for the recovery of North Borneo.

Before the bar of world opinion, the Philippines can invoke the ringing declarations of responsible leaders all over the world — including those of the United Kingdom — who have vowed to end the practice of colonialism in all its manifestations. In recent years, the United Nations has been seriously concerned with the problem of colonialism and has now asked for its speedy liquidation. The North Borneo question should furnish an excellent instance for the British Government to translate a preachment into a cold reality. When in 1946, the British Government saw fit to make North Borneo a colony, in disregard of its previous disclaimers, her policy-makers must have foreseen the inevitable consequences of such an inopportune move, considering the temper of subject peoples all over the world. For the Filipinos, the North Borneo situation is not merely a problem of liquidation of colonialism; it is a question of the return to them of what, in law and equity, properly belongs to them, and which they can rightly call their own.

As I said in the beginning, there should be no apprehension of any rupture in the friendly relations between the United Kingdom and the Philippines. Friends can and should at times disagree. The important thing is that they should not become disagreeable. And like two good friends, the Philippines and the United Kingdom can differ on this point without being difficult. It is merely in keeping with the highest traditions of civility and a mutual respect for the rule of law that the Philippine Government should now, in the light of all relevant evidence, institute the claim and initiate the necessary steps toward the peaceful settlement of the North Borneo question. Manila Times, Manila Chronicle, Philippines Free Press – May, 1962.

http://www.mindanaoexaminer.com/news.php?news_id=20080826205320

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The genesis of the Moro problem

Posted by AhlussuluK on August 20, 2010

By Alito L. Malinao


From August to December in l967, some 200 Tausug and Sama Muslims aged 18 to 30 from Sulu and Tawi-Tawi were trained in a secret camp in the island town of Simunul in Tawi-Tawi.

The training was part of a clandestine plot to destabilize Sabah, which was annexed by Malaysia when it gained independence from Great Britain in l963.

The plan, hatched by Ferdinand Marcos, was codenamed Operation Merdeka. The commando unit, named Jabidah, which would have infiltrated Sabah to start a rebellion was led by a military adventurer, Col. Abdul Latif Martelino.

On December 30 of that year, the Muslims were herded into a Philippine Navy vessel and brought to Corregidor for “specialized training.”

There the Muslim recruits discovered that their ultimate mission was to go to Sabah and fight their Muslim brothers. The recruits demanded that they be returned home.

The infamous Jabidah massacre followed. As the sole survivor, Jibin Arula, later recounted, the trainees were taken from their Corregidor barracks on the night of March 18, 1968, brought to an airstrip and gunned down one by one. Under cover of darkness, Arula ran and swam all the way to Cavite.

The testimony of Arula and the expose later of the late Sen. Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino in the halls of Congress, which unmasked Operation Merdeka, shocked the Filipino nation and the world. The rest is history.

Spark for Muslim outrage

The Jabidah massacre was enough to spark the outrage of Filipino Muslims against the Manila government.

Led by Nur Misuari, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) that was initially bankrolled by Malaysia, waged a jihad against the central government, calling for an independent homeland for the Bangsamoro people. Thousands were killed during the three decades of fighting.

The MNLF finally signed a peace accord with the government in l996. It was then believed that the peace pact would finally bring peace to Mindanao.

But it was not so. A splinter group, led by Hashim Salamat, refused to recognize the peace agreement. He formed the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and waged another guerrilla war against the Manila government. Now the MILF is believed to have a 12,000-strong fully armed militia.

If the peace accord with the MILF would be signed, what will prevent another splinter group from doing a Salamat and organizing yet another Muslim separatist group?

Independent Sabah

Some analysts are now saying that had Oplan Merdeka succeeded, it would have resulted in Sabah seceding from Malaysia, just like Singapore. Sabah could have formed its own independent state. And this development could have helped avoid, or at least mitigate, the problem in Mindanao.

Filipino Muslims would have lived prosperous lives in resource-rich Sabah and they would not be treated as illegals by the Kuala Lumpur government. The Tau­sugs and Badjaos—who have known the sea lanes between Borneo and the Sulu Archipelago as their ancestral domain—are now being deported willy-nilly by Malaysian authorities.

This brings us to another issue that has remained dormant but could be revived anytime: the Philippine claim to Sabah.

Sabah, which when roughly translated means “the land beneath the winds,” was bequeathed to the Sultanate of Sulu by the Sultan of Brunei as a reward for helping the latter in driving its enemies.

In l878, Baron Von Overbeck, an Austrian partner representing the British North Borneo Co. and his partner British Alfred Dent, leased Sabah from the Sulu Sultanate. In return, the company provided arms to the Sultan and an annual rental.

Up to now, the Malaysian government, through its embassy in Manila, is paying the rental to the heirs of the Sultan of Sulu of 5,300 ringgits or $1,590, almost unchanged since l878.

Malaysia not impartial

The major flaw in the current negotiations between the government and the MILF is that Malaysia, the intermediary, is not impartial because it has always acted as a big brother to Filipino Muslims since the MNLF days.

Malaysia is also still hurting from the botched Operation Merdeka and the Sabah claim is still hanging like a sword of Damocles over its head.

If the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD) is heavily loaded in favor of the MILF, it is because the deal was crafted in Kuala Lumpur. Had the GRP-MILF talks been held in some uninterested countries like Switzerland or in The Netherlands, the government could have negotiated for a fairer deal.

It is understandable that Malaysia would prefer a Bangsamoro homeland to be set up in Mindanao rather than in Sabah. And the more the Filipino Muslims will be preoccupied with fighting in Min­danao, the more they will forget about the Sabah claim.

It is not even far-fetched to imagine that Malaysia is still supplying arms and logistics to the MILF while brokering a peaceful settlement between the rebels and the government.

opinion@manilatimes.net

http://www.manilatimes.net/national/2008/aug/19/yehey/opinion/20080819opi6.html

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Gov’t help sought for 15 OFWs in Sabah

Posted by AhlussuluK on June 19, 2009

Gov’t help sought for 15 OFWs in Sabah

By Lira Dalangin-Fernandez
INQUIRER.net
First Posted 18:58:00 06/19/2009

MANILA, Philippines—Fifteen Filipino workers are being kept in slave-like conditions in a palm oil plant in Sabah and are asking the Philippine government for help, according to groups that conducted a fact-finding mission there.

According to the Asia Pacific Mission for Migrant Workers (APMM) and the Gabriela party list, the 15 workers of Hoy Chan Plantations in Jalan Jeroco, Sabah are also at risk of dying of hunger after their employer stopped them from getting food from the company store.

The OFWs have been in the company from December 2008 and March 2009. They are Joenel Caro, Roland Casis, Nelio Casquejo, Ruben Cortel, Moisis Cortel, Michael Duran, John Mark Libuna, Vicente Libuna, Rene Lim, Ariel Lorena, Ian Rey Lorena, Butch Pastolero, Quizy Pastolero, Romeo Pedregosa, and Zandro Camda. They started work at the company at different times between December 2008 and March 2009.

They said no Philippine government agency was attending to the plight of the 15 undocumented OFWs.

Gabriela party list Representative Luz Ilagan, who joined the mission in Sandakan, Sabah and Kota Kinabalu, said the OFWs are victims of “bonded slavery” because their situation: They are being held by the employers, they are required to work more hours than legally allowed, they are paid very low wages, and they do not have any social security benefits, among others.

And the APMM agreed. “The employer should be investigated for practicing bonded labor. Such kind of practice which is akin to slavery is prohibited under international law,” it said.

Ilagan also pointed out another complication to the situation of the 15 workers, and those in similar dire straits. She said Sabah, which is claimed by both the Philippines and Malaysia, does not have a Philippine government office which could attend to Filipino workers.

“The problem is the structure is not clear as who should assist these workers. We don’t have an embassy in Sabah because of the claims dispute of the land,” she said in a phone interview.

She said most workers in Sabah’s palm oil plantations have stayed there beyond the limit allowed by the Malaysian government because they could not afford the renewal fee of their passport.

In a separate statement, the international workers’ alliance Migrante urged the Arroyo administration to send a rescue mission to the 15 workers being held in the palm oil plantation.

“The OFWs are being held against their will without any food in retaliation for their refusal to work due to inhuman conditions in the plantation. The OFWs are calling for help and needs government intervention so that they can be repatriated back to the Philippines,” said Garry Martinez, Migrante International chairman.

Please read globalnation/inquirer for more info

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Stateless Tausugs in Sabah?

Posted by AhlussuluK on April 10, 2009

Stateless children: Where do their future lies?

Faznil Mohd Deni, 7, taking up his father’s trade as a cobbler to earn an income to help his family.

Faznil Mohd Deni, 7, taking up his father’s trade as a cobbler to earn an income to help his family.

New Sabah Times,8th July, 2008

KOTA KINABALU: Faznil Mohd Deni is only seven and yet he is already taking up his father’s trade as a cobbler.

While most of the children of his age are learning in classrooms, Faznil sits with his father on the five-foot way in Asia City here waiting for customers.

Like most working adults, Faznil’s day starts around 9am every day and the father and son team usually wrap up business around 3pm.

When he returns home, Faznil would spend the evening playing with his siblings. He has four siblings and only one is going to school.

Despite being deprived from the joys of childhood, Faznil is better off than many of his counterparts who are roaming the streets in major towns in Sabah.

Faznil is among the stateless children, those born here to foreigners who don’t have any legal documents. They are neither Malaysian citizens nor citizens of the country where their parents originate.

Faznil’s father Mohd Deni lamented, “We do not have the money… I have five children ranging from five to 12 years old, and I am the sole breadwinner.

“But being a cobbler is better than getting into criminal activities like cheating or theft”.

In spite of the hardships, Mohd Deni who migrated from the Philippines in the 1960s is grateful to be in Sabah.

Mohd Deni is among the thousands of illegal immigrants in Sabah. Though he claims to have a MyKad and that his son Faznil has a birth certificate, he was unable to produce the documents when asked.

Illegal immigrants have been a long withstanding problem in Sabah. The locals have repeatedly voiced their concerns over the influx of foreigners and the social cost involving them.

It is also a contentious issue and finally last month it was announced major operations to expel the illegal immigrants.

Yet this gives rise to another question as where does this leave the stateless children, especially those who were abandoned by their parents.

Asked whether the government’s move to repatriate immigrants without proper documents would affect him, Mohd Deni seemed to be at a loss, and simply replied, “Susahlah.”

Other immigrants approached by Bernama at the city were less cooperative, fearing if their identities were exposed they may land into trouble with the authorities.

But mere observation at the immigrant hot spots in the city itself, such as those near the city market, one could tell that these stateless children in Sabah are deprived of the joys of childhood.

Most can be seen loitering or working from an early age.

Some are seen selling food items, some are working at the fish market and some are selling cigarettes.

The Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (SUHAKAM) vice chairman, Tan Sri Simon Sipaun said the people and the government must first grasp the fact that these children are within our society.

Only then the problem could be dealt with effectively.

“Whether we like it or not, these stateless children are already here… Nobody really knows and is ready to admit their real figure, said Simon who is also the head of SUHAKAM in Sabah.

“What the authorities should do first is try to unite the children with their families.

“If the families could not be located, they should be placed in centres that provide basic education and skills training and should not be left in streets,” he said.

Sipaun said ignoring these children is ‘a good recipe for disaster’ because if they are not taught from early, they may end up being a nuisance to the community when they grow up.

“These children are forced to survive one way or another, I personally feel sorry for them and we should do what we can to help them.

“If you leave them just like that, if you treat them like criminals, then they will end up as one, but by then it will be too late,” he said.

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1,742 Filipinos, 3,186 Indonesians in Sabah get citizenship between 2004 to May 2008

Posted by AhlussuluK on April 10, 2009

1,742 Filipinos, 3,186 Indonesians in Sabah get citizenship between 2004 to May 2008

New Sabah Times

10th July, 2008

KOTA KINABALU: From 2004 to May 2008, a total of 1,742 Filipinos and 3,186 Indonesians living in Sabah obtained Malaysian citizenship, Sepanggar MP Datuk Eric Majimbun (pictured) was told in Parliament in Kuala Lumpur yesterday.

According to a written reply from the Home Ministry during the question and answer session, there are 57,194 Filipinos living in Sabah under the status as ‘refugees’.

However, the Ministry said it did not have the record for the number of Filipinos living in Sabah that do not have valid documents or categorised as illegal immigrants.

To another question, the Ministry of Entrepreneur and Co-operative Development in a written reply said it is now in the process to strengthening the Program Usahasama Tulen with the purpose of enhancing the business cooperation and partnership among the bumiputera and non-bumiputera entrepreneurs.

The programme will not only create new business opportunities but it will also strengthen the capacity, capability and competitive edge of the genuine entrepreneur companies through consolidated capital, technology expertise and market power, it said.

Through the programme, the bumiputera and non-bumiputera entrepreneurs will set up joint venture companies to be monitored by a working committee at ministerial level known as Majlis Galakan Usahasama Tulen.

To date, a total of 56 joint venture companies had been set up across Peninsular Malaysia but none in Sabah and Sarawak even though efforts had been carried out, but yet to achieve success.

The programme also received positive support from the Malay, Chinese and Indian chambers of commerce, said the Ministry’s reply, which added that a fund of RM500 million had also been allocated to implement the programme through the cooperation from the central, development and commercial banks as well as government agencies like Pemodalan Nasional Berhad, MARA and SMIDEC.

Despite the various programmes being implemented by MECD, the Ministry noted that bumiputera entrepreneurs still weak and could not compete with other races due to their too dependent on government support, lack of experience, among others.

To another question, Minister of Agriculture and Agro-based Industry Datuk Mustapha Mohamed in a oral reply told Eric that over the period of five years from 2003-2007, the number of fish caught in the Malaysia waters had increased.

According to statistic, a total of 1,283,255 metric tonnes was caught in 2003 and increased by 1,331,647 in 2004 but declined by 1,209,604 metric tonnes in 2005, it gone up by 1,379,771 metric tonne in 2006 and subsequently by 1,421,702 metric tonnes in 2007.

The catches in the country are divided into three areas namely West Coast, East Coast and Sarawak-Sabah-Labuan, he said.

On the fishermen’s diesel fuel subsidies, he said the scheme was started in 2006 and the quantity of fuel that had been given out on that year was 989,727,418 litres while in 2007 it was 1,099,000,723 litres.

Of the total, some 118,851,854 litres was distributed in Sabah in 2006 and 165,181,558 litres in 2007. While for Labuan it received 12,526,366 litres in 2006 and 11,368,466 litres in 2007.

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Malaysian execs reject RP’s residency suggestion

Posted by AhlussuluK on April 10, 2009

Malaysian execs reject RP’s residency suggestion

Asia News Network
First Posted 17:10:00 07/04/2008

KOTA KINABALU, Malaysia — A Philippines government suggestion that its citizens who have been in Sabah for a long time be accorded Malaysian permanent resident status has drawn opposition from state leaders.

“Malaysia has its ways of dealing with illegal immigrants and as far as I know, this is not one of them,” said Minister in the Chief Minister’s Department Nasir Tun Sakaran.

He said it was inconceivable for Malaysia to simply accept Filipino nationals on the basis that they had been staying in Sabah for a long time.

Former chief minister Yong Teck Lee said Philippine Undersecretary for Migrant Workers Affairs Esteban Conejos Jr.’s suggestion was “irresponsible” as no country would simply accept the citizens of another nation.

“It is an indication that the government concerned is not looking after the welfare of their citizens,” said Yong, the Sabah Progressive Party (SAPP) president, adding Malaysia must take a more “aggressive” stance when dealing with Manila over migration issue.

Deputy International Trade and Industry Minister V. K. Liew, who is also the Liberal Democratic Party president, said Conejos’ remarks were only a suggestion that Malaysia had every right to ignore.

Conejos on Wednesday said that Malaysia should consider granting permanent residence status to Filipino migrants who had been staying in Sabah for a long time.

This after Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak said immigrants who have lived unlawfully in Sabah since the 1970s would not be spared.

Conejos said some Filipino nationals had been in Sabah for such a long period that they no longer had any relatives in the Philippines nor spoke any Filipino dialects.

The deportation, he said, holds for those who constantly travel to and from Sabah without travel documents.

“We have among our people who still cannot understand why they cannot travel there freely,” he said.

The Philippines has a long-standing claim over Sabah.

Meanwhile, Sabah Law Association president John Sikayun said it was within the federal government’s jurisdiction to set up a special task force to deal with the state’s illegal immigrant problem.

He said the establishment of such a task force was consistent with Article 80 of the Federal Constitution since immigration problems could lead to a national security threat.

Kimanis MP Anifah Aman had recently stated that such a task force should not be under federal jurisdiction but the Chief Minister with the Deputy Prime Minister as its patron. Anifah said this was because Article 161E(4) of the Constitution stipulated that immigration matters in Sabah and Sarawak was a state matter.

Meanwhile, an Indonesian envoy here said that some employers in Sabah have sacked their undocumented foreign workers ahead of a crackdown against illegal immigrants in the state.

Indonesian acting Consul General Rudhito Widagdo said a plantation owner in Beluran had recently chased out 72 undocumented Indonesian workers for fear of being caught harboring them.

The issue of illegal migrants has long been a bitter grievance for Sabah politicians, who accuse the federal government of failing to oust job-seeking foreigners after their permits expire.

Top government leaders have stepped up efforts to resolve the problem amid speculation that many Sabah lawmakers planned to defect to the opposition because of dissatisfaction with Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s administration.

Although Sabah has vast natural resources, such as timber, it is one of Malaysia’s poorest states. Some residents blame this on large numbers of migrants whose presence means fewer available jobs. Ruben Sario, The Star-ANN, with reports from Veronica Uy, INQUIRER.net and The Associated Press

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